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Wednesday, March 9, 2016

Mid-term Question #3

3) a) define structural violence using our readings and also an excellent summary of Farmer and Sen's views on this by Kathleen Ho: http://projects.essex.ac.uk/ehrr/V4N2/ho.pdf.

b) give an example of structural violence in your country (supported by data)

c)  present your dream of what a globally-informed social worker could do about that example (remember to use the readings).

56 comments:

  1. a. Structural violence is a concept that describes the process in which certain groups of people are systematically harmed by being prevented from meeting their basic needs. When a nation or community has systems in place that negatively impact a certain group of people, for example the criminal justice system in the U.S, it can be said that structural violence exists against that group. In his research, Seipel discusses global poverty in a manner that relates to the topic of structural violence. Seipel describes a world that is, today, far more prosperous than it has been in the past. While the number of people in poverty has dropped significantly, those who are still living in poverty are suffering at inhumane levels (Seipel 2003). Poverty and the systems in place that support it are a great example of structural violence.
    b. As I mentioned earlier, the criminal justice system in the United States in a form of structural violence. In The New Jim Crow, author Michelle Alexander provides striking statistics on the individuals most impacted by mass incarceration in the U.S. People of color make up 60% of people in jail and 1 in 8 black men in their twenties are locked up on any given day (Alexander 2010). The number of people of color in jail grew as the War on Drugs was implemented in the 70’s and 80’s. Black men in poor neighborhoods were disproportionally targeted, arrested, and thrown in jail. Today, we see the effects of the War on Drugs in black families and communities (Alexander 2010).
    c. My dream for what can be done about this situation in the United States involves promoting positive peace through grassroots organizations, advocacy, education, and policy change. Though it may not be obvious to U.S lawmakers, a clear violation of human rights is at play when we speak about mass incarceration and the targeting of minorities. Healy discusses the UN and the role that it plays in defining human rights and promoting the rights of humans around the world. I am specifically thinking about the nongovernmental human rights advocates that are described on page 72. Groups like Amnesty International put pressure on governments by vigorously advocating against abuses that violate human rights. By making our criminal justice system one of their projects, our lawmakers will feel pressured to foster change and positive growth. I think the biggest barrier to criminal justice reform today is policy. There are numerous policies in place that allow the system to remain unjust and corrupt. Like Memory from Malawi, it would be crucial for me to go straight to my law makers and lobby for the policy changes that influence the criminal justice system. The stigma that latches on to those who have been through the criminal justice system leads to even more structural violence. Ex-convicts are prevented from receiving public aid and public housing. They are limited in the jobs that they can apply for and discriminated against when they do apply for jobs. Often times, they end up back in jail. The only thing that can fight stigma is education. By educating employers, those caught up in the system, police officers, and even our lawmakers, global social workers can use reason and logic to appeal to those involved.

    References:
    Alexander, M. (2010). The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness.

    Seipel, Michael. (2003). Global poverty: No longer an untouchable problem. International Social
    Work, 46, 191-207.

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    1. I like your example of structural violence, i have always wondered why the percentage of U.S people of colour is on the high level in jail, from your example it is as a result of war on drugs in black community and this makes them a target.

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  2. a)Kathleen Ho uses the theory of structural violence to illuminate how structural inequalities that systematically deny some people their basic human needs constitute a structural violation of human rights.
    Poverty, then, is ‘the failure of basic capabilities to reach certain minimally acceptable levels’, where basic capabilities are understood as basic freedoms ‘such as the freedoms to avoid hunger, disease, illiteracy, and so on’.
    When economic and social structures conspire to limit one’s agency to the extent that fundamental human needs cannot be met then structural violence becomes a structural violation of human rights.
    This understanding of poverty illuminates how the idea of a disparity between actual and possible abilities to meet one’s needs and the notion of avoidability in Galtung’s definition of structural violence are directly applicable to the discourse of human rights.
    Let me quote Dr. Paul Farmer, “Structural violence is one way of describing social arrangements that put individuals and populations in harm’s way… The arrangements are structural because they are embedded in the political and economic organization of our social world; they are violent because they cause injury to people … neither culture nor pure individual will is at fault; rather, historically given (and often economically driven) processes and forces conspire to constrain individual agency. Structural violence is visited upon all those whose social status denies them access to the fruits of scientific and social progress.”
    One key aspect of structural violence is that it is often hard to see. Even more difficult than identifying structural violence is assigning culpability. When a baby dies of malnutrition, or from a vaccine-preventable disease, who should we blame?
    Structural violence may lead to death, but just as often it may manifest in the form of outcomes that are not as positive as they otherwise could or should be.
    Dr. Farmer frequently uses the phrase “constraint of agency,” this is a particularly apt description. To challenge the notion that structural violence must manifest in obvious forms, such as civilians killed by bombs, or infants that die from preventable diseases, let us consider the subtle effects of distributed harm visited upon a large population in a so-called advanced country. Consider that approximately 100,000 African Americans will die every year simply because they are black; if they received the same social advantages that whites do, they wouldn’t have died — death is about as violent as you can get. A more recent study found 291,000 deaths attributable (in the US, in the year 2000) to poverty and income inequality, two social conditions that are closely tied to structural violence.
    When tens of thousands of farmers in Uganda are illegally dispossessed — their homes and plantations burned — by an international forestry company, here is a form of structural violence. And it stings all the more when the forestry firm closes down and lays off its 500 Ugandan workers.
    When a family mines the land informally, too mired in poverty to afford to move away, and a landslide crushes their house, maybe with a few relatives inside, that’s structural violence.
    When a Peruvian shantytown burns, people lose what little they owned, some of them burn alive, from a fire started due to improvised and unventilated indoor cooking. And a local fire department doesn’t exist because this shantytown is decades away from infrastructure that much of the ‘developed’ world enjoys. That’s structural violence.



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  3. b)The example about structural violence in Lithuania can be situation of the Gypsy (Roma) in our country.
    Next to Vilnius international airport there is a unique Gypsy district ("Taboras") full of illegally constructed wooden shacks whose owners refuse to pay any taxes. This favela-like district (the only such in Baltic States) of some 500 people is a major drug dealing spot and all attempts to curtail this activity or to resettle the Gypsies into social housing have failed so far (and there were many). Due to the participation of a large part of Lithuania‘s Gypsies in criminal activities as well as the self-isolation of this community, the opinion polls usually show that the Gypsies are the least wanted neighbors.
    In 2012 Vilnius municipality was the decision to begin demolition of Gypsy houses in Taboras. Gypsy complained that families with children have been left without shelter. Meanwhile, the municipality claimed that the buildings are illegal and uninhabited. Segregationist attitudes towards Gypsy in Lithuania are clearly seen at work among public authorities and non-Gypsy citizens alike.
    Children account for a big part of the population at the Kirtimai settlement. There are no asphalt streets or paths inside the Gypsy settlement and its residents wade through mud in autumn and spring. Only one dwelling in the settlement is legal and, for that reason, every person living there is registered under that address: Dariaus ir Girėno Street, #185. Other dwellings are poor and most do not meet basic construction standards. People are forced to carry water in buckets from five water supply pumps.
    Many of the problems facing Gypsy in the settlement could be solved by the legalisation of the settlement. Vilnius Gypsy representatives have unsuccessfully raised such issues more than once with Vilnius and Lithuanian authorities. The fact that Gypsy homes in the settlement are not legally registered allows for arbitrary searches by police. Other Vilnius residents who apply to the municipality for housing are informed of a variety of ways to obtain a flat. Gypsy are the only group subjected to ghettoisation. Many cases of discrimination are withheld from public scrutiny in Lithuania as Gypsy have no power and few advocates to defend their rights.
    Due to the small number of Gypsy in Lithuania, their problems have not acquired a high degree of public urgency. The Lithuanian government has failed to formulate a comprehensive policy addressing the problems facing Gypsy. A special programme for the integration of Gypsy does not recognise segregated housing and education as areas needing to be addressed. The programme focuses on the Kirtimai settlement in Vilnius, discusses Gypsy housing problems as one of the most urgent issues (under the section on social problems) and mentions the lack of housing, overcrowded and poor dwellings, and the illegal status of housing. However, it proposes no concrete measures to solve such problems.
    The programme also states that only roughly one-fourth of school aged Gypsy children attend school. Education is a key to employment and to better living conditions. Especially uneducated Gypsy experience many difficulties in finding a job.
    So, slums in the gypsy district (,,Taboras“) that are home to blatant abuse of human needs; structurally, it is very difficult for people and families living in the slum to access education, healthcare, employment, enough food or shelter, the opportunity to leave, and a safe and healthy environment.

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    1. my first night in Lithuania, these "Gypsies" are the set of people i encountered.These young boys came to us and asked for money,someone warned me that they are also thieves, this surprised me. my question is why do they have their own community or segregated from people.

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    2. In Kaunas city living also Gypsies and residents of the city don't like Gypsies.In Kaunas they don't have such a community as in Vilnius city and they living among the Lithuanian population.

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    3. Inga,

      Thank you putting a spotlight on the experiences of the Roma people. I wonder how social workers could work with this population while still respecting their self-determination. From my understanding, it is not unusual for members of the Roma community to discourage their children from attending school. My own personal bias is that school is critical to moving forward in life, so I imagine I would have a hard time with this population.

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  4. c)Aspects of international social work practice can include: advocate of the Gypsys, practitioner with them and their families, community of ,,Taboras“, consultant. The main tasks of the social work include:
    • To support and unite Gypsy communities and organisations in solving problems related to Gypsy;
    • To protect Gypsy communities, their interests, culture and traditions;
    • To cooperate with the Lithuanian government and to maintain collaboration with international organisations;
    • To promote business development and creation of new jobs.
    The Lithuanian Gypsy need become more involved and active in the solution of the problems they face and their solutions. However, the Gypsy of Lithuania are in many cases unable to participate fully in Lithuanian society, because of a limited knowledge of the Lithuanian language and a legal position that is weak because they may not be able to acquire Lithuanian citizenship.
    Moreover, the attitude of Lithuanian people towards Gypsy is a challenge as discrimination may also be an obstacle for full Gypsy integration in Lithuanian society. The other Gypsy communities in different Lithuanian regions must also be involved. Special attention should be given to their living conditions as this is closely connected with their quality of life.
    Several programmes have been set up to try and integrate the Romani language in schools, but with limited success. Similar observations can be made for the programmes relating to health, employment and housing. Clearly, improvement is visible, thanks to the efforts of Romani organisations, Lithuanian non-governmental organisations and the Lithuanian authorities, but more needs to be done if the Lithuanian Roma are to be treated as equal citizens on a par with Lithuanians.
    References:
    http://www.truelithuania.com/topics/culture-of-lithuania/ethnicities-of-lithuania
    http://romani.humanities.manchester.ac.uk/virtuallibrary/librarydb//web/files/pdfs/375/Paper20.pdf
    Farmer, P.E., Nizeye, B., Stulac, S., Keshavjee, S. (2007) Structural Violence and Clinical Medicine, http://journals.plos.org/plosmedicine/article?id=10.1371/journal.pmed.0030449
    Ho, K. (2007) Structural Violence as a Human Rights Violation,
    http://projects.essex.ac.uk/ehrr/V4N2/ho.pdf




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    1. I really appreciated reading your response, especially because I get to see your view as a Lithuanian Social Worker regarding the Roma people. I lived in Rome, Italy from 2011-2012 and while there I took a course on Human Rights. One of our class trips was to visit our professor’s friends in the Roma community. Which just like in Lithuania, was on the outside of the city. When we got there it was overwhelmingly sad to see how they lived. The whole community lived in small trailers and there were about 5-7 people living in each home, it was dirty and very poor. The family we visited was so happy we were there, they shared with us that no one from outside of their community had visited them. This made it clear of how isolated the Roma community was from the rest of the city.
      Within Italy, like in Lithuania, there are certain groups with xenophobic tendencies, which can put the lives and fates of not only the Roma community at risk, but also other immigrants and refugees. I believe that by not educating others and ignoring the needs of immigrants and refugees, the “problem” will not go away. I agree with your main tasks for what a social worker could do about this situation, and hope that more people and organizations start investing more time and resources on these issues, in order to create a better safety net for everyone in society including immigrants and refugees.

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  5. Galtung defines violence as “avoidable impairment of fundamental human needs or, to put it in more general terms, the impairment of human life, which lowers the actual degree to which someone is able to meet their needs below that which would otherwise be possible” (Ho, K., 2007)
    As Dr. Paul Farmer says: Structural violence refers to systematic ways in which social structures harm or otherwise disadvantage individuals. Structural violence is subtle, often invisible, and often has no one specific person who can (or will) be held responsible (in contrast to behavioral violence).
    The second part of the question:
    I agree with the fact that structural violence does exist, sometimes it can be seen quite easily, and sometimes it appears as if one side of interpretation. As an example, I would like to mention in our country topical issue of vaccines for young children. In soviet times immunizations were obligatory and was no chance to avoid that. Thus, the health care system, as a structure, made decision and no one had questioned vaccination.
    Now, after independence, vaccination is not obligatory. Parents are free to decide whether they want to vaccinate their children or not. Well-known cases, even though they are very rare, that the vaccine causes side effects, which can sometimes lead to lethal consequences. So parents discussing and choosing one of the sides - to vaccinate or not their children. But it is clear that a vaccine helps prevent many tragic deaths. Now the health care system makes a decision, that vaccination will be mandatory for children who will attend kindergarten. It seems a logical solution.
    The theoretical question for all: the health care system, as a structure, helping the children, vaccinating them by force, even if in individual cases the vaccine causes adverse and serious health problems? Or vice versa, maybe there is no structural violence on those who had side effect of vaccination? Maybe in some cases structural violence is only one side of the position when the opposition does not want to accept policy which is the best for all members of society?
    Personally for me difficult to find universal answer. One of the side always will stay without possibility to choose.
    We no longer live in the Stone Age. From that minute when started to develop socially - we began to form structures. They play an important role: security, control assistance. For the structures we give power, and sometimes the structures use the powers against us. Here, societies and the social workers' responsibility to monitor and prevent. But does society can live without structures? I don’t think so. This medal has two sides.
    Probably that would be one of my dream and the desire to work in the field of public awareness, which is able to detect, respond to structural violence and to support those who suffer from it. In simple words; work to reach a conscious and active society with critical thinking.

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    1. Marius,

      I have never thought about the debate over vaccinations as one of structural violence, and it was so enlightening to see your point: that with the mandate to receive vaccines the government may be placing individuals as risk of serious health risks, however without the mandate, virus may spread to large groups of people. With your definition of structural violence as harming or putting specific individuals as a disadvantage, it becomes clear how this issue could be seen as structural violence.

      This debate is one that is also popular in the United States and for us it comes down to the amount of power the government can have over mandating health decisions. I think when you speak of structural violence as at times something that is easy to see, and at times is more difficult and one sided is very accurate. To me, the role of a global social worker is to then evaluate a situation without bias, looking at the structure and if it is causing more harm than help to a group of individuals, almost as if a cost benefit analysis. Thank you for bringing up this very interesting point, I truly look at this topic that I have known about for a long time in a different light through reading your work!

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  6. Inga and Marius, I have really enjoyed reading your posts. It was interesting to read about the structural violence that the gypsy population in Lithuania is currently facing. Inga, in your definition of structural violence, you mentioned how difficult it is to see. I completely agree with your sentiment on this. Structural violence is so embedded in the systems put in place, that many people don’t even see how these policies play a part in the lives of the population affected. What makes combatting structural violence so difficult is that the policies in place are legal under current law. The example you gave of the structural violence impacting the gypsy population reminds me of the problems faced by many immigrant populations in the United State and the refugee crisis that is shaking up Europe. The population that is not impacted by structurally violent systems are many times in denial about structural violence. This does nothing to solve the problem and makes it hard for social workers to even prove that structural violence is a problem.
    Social workers really have a tough job when it comes to combatting structural violence. I think that advocacy is one of the most effective ways to combat structural violence. We have to first make people, governments, lawmakers, etc. aware of the systems and policies in place that harm certain groups of people. With awareness comes concern and then action. Marius, I agree that structure is necessary but it is the responsibility of the government (and social workers when the government fails) to make sure that the structures in place benefit all of the people and not just some of them. Thank you all for the conversation!

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  7. Structural violence is the poverty, social marginalization, human right violation that some people go through in their lives. As defined by Paul Farmer, is the societal factors that oppress people and cause them to suffer, this phenomenon has helped us to understand the conditions of people struggling with structural violence. It gives us the larger picture of the major issues the society is facing. The theory of structural violence provides a useful framework for understanding of structural violations of human rights, through an examination of how structures constrain agency to the extent that fundamental human rights are attainable. This unequal distribution of power then systematically disadvantages those who do not have any power at all. Structural violence as increased rates of death and disability suffered by those who occupies the lower rings of the society, as contrasted with the relatively lower death experienced by those who are above them.
    Kathleen Ho in the article cites an example of an HIV-infected African-American woman, the concern here is not how the disease is infected or the harm caused but the structure of racial inequality, unequal opportunities to receive education, access to medical care, justice and stable job security. The main ideology is why a particular group suffers disproportionately. According to Galtung, the concept of structural violence brings about links between justice and peace as key element in non-violent actions. Galtung in his essay proffered the word “social injustice” as a substitute to describe the conditions of structural violence. He gave example focusing on hunger and what he referred to as “husband-wife patterns.”
    (b) In Nigeria, in some remote places in the southern part, children are accused of witchcraft. A new report from UNICEF, according to the report, accusations seems to arise from ‘multi-crisis’ situations and usually affect those are already vulnerable. As illustrated by Farmer, poverty is a prime example of how structural violence leads to violation of human rights. In this example, poverty and conflict in the community contributed to the recent increase in witchcraft accusations especially against children. This accusation is a manifestation of child abuse, violence and neglects revealing the social problems affecting the society. Most of this accusation of witchcraft resulted because of the loss of some of their parents and made them an easy target by their extended families and communities. Being raised by relatives is another big factor; in some cases some Preachers have reinforced this belief about witchcraft for their financial gain. These devilish Preachers have turned the suffering of these accused children into a lucrative business. Boys and girls are equally likely to be accused of being witches, in a study in Akwa-Ibom state, most accused children were middle or last children in the family, this a reflection of high premium placed on first sons and this is another structure created. Children mostly accused of witchcraft are children with physical abnormalities or disabilities, stubborn, aggressive, withdrawn or lazy.

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  8. (c) As a globally informed social worker in this case, I would create awareness in the core community where these cases of witchcraft accusations are manifesting, educate the general public about the falsehood of all these stories. I would also mobilize a group just like Memory, the Malawian creating a movement against children’s accusation of witchcraft; the religious leaders will also be sensitized about this movement. There is a violation of human rights, according to the Universal declaration of human rights, in which human beings shall enjoy freedom from fear. Article 3 states everyone has the right to life, liberty and security. Legal action would also be consulted, human right activist would also be informed, and effective law would be enforced against such barbaric accusations. Adequate care and protection would be given to these helpless children. Non-governmental organizations will be informed and equally invited to participate in this social change.
    References
    Ho, K. (2007). Structural Violence as a Human Rights Violation.
    http://projects.essex.ac.uk/ehrr/V4N2/ho.pdf
    http://mgafrica.com/article/2014-08-21-child-witches-in-africa-far-from-being-a-traditional-belief-it-is-a-modern-invention
    http://www.unicef.org/protection/nigeria_55301.html

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  9. Poverty is a significant driver in generating social exclusion. Vosyliūtė (2002, p.26)
    claims that “belonging to the class of destitute people creates a feeling and images
    of hardship, trouble and sometimes pity in the social sphere. Poor people are more
    likely to commit crimes, they tend to lose their pride within community (they are less
    valued and respected, there is an unwillingness to communicate with them)”. As
    such, a chain reaction takes shape, which perpetuates social exclusion over time.
    In Lithuania, the dynamics of poverty and social inclusion are hard to evaluate
    objectively due to rapidly changing assessment indicators in measuring levels of
    absolute poverty as well as relative poverty. Considering by Muhammad Yunus in every country which has struggle with big quantity of poverty and poor people, to create „Village banks“ or innovative professions from beggers who was begging money for food and, became door to door salesman. To stop poverty social workers would create something like door to door sales man or even easy job , which can give them money for food , house and create new page of life from beginning. Also each country could create taxes for wealthy people and taxes come to social account which is managed by social workers , and who could create basic new life for people in new living place like social housing ,with beginner things to do housing (like pots, plates, washing machine, stove, cupboards, bed, and ect. And it would be small city part where same size flats blocks would be where they would live and be visited by social workers and also step out from poverty, another thing is managed by social worker not government , municipality or wealthy so social worker could make clear decisions by social work values and ideas. This also overcome corruption and also additional documentation to the municipalities or governments, this would be managed in every country by social workers. And this Aid would be not from lowest salaries getting and also struggling to survive but from wealthy people benefit of their tax pay to this social fund for helping people to step out poverty .

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    1. Simas,

      I think you touch on a really valuable point when you write, "In Lithuania, the dynamics of poverty and social inclusion are hard to evaluate
      objectively due to rapidly changing assessment indicators in measuring levels of
      absolute poverty as well as relative poverty." We have a similar issue in the United States where our measure of poverty is woefully inadequate. It significantly understates the amount of people who are struggling to live safe, comfortable lives. In many ways, the measure of poverty itself is a form of structural violence. Those systems that have the power to define poverty do not appear to be grounded in the lives of people who experience it everyday.

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  10. a) To understand violence, let’s look at Galtung definition. He said “avoidable impairment of fundamental human needs or, to put it in more general terms, the impairment of human life, which lowers the actual degree to which someone is able to meet their needs below that which would otherwise be possible” (Ho, K., 2007)
    Kathleen Ho uses the theory of structural violence to illuminate how structural inequalities that systematically deny some societies their basic human needs constitute a structural violation of human rights.
    For instance, poverty is seen as the failure of basic capabilities to reach certain minimally acceptable levels, where basic capabilities are understood as basic freedoms such as the freedoms to avoid hunger, disease, illiteracy, and so on.
    Dr. Paul Farmer quoted that, “Structural violence is one way of describing social arrangements that put individuals and populations in harm’s way”. The arrangements are structural because they are embedded in the political and economic organization of our social world; they are violent because they cause injury to people.
    Seipel describes global poverty in a manner that relates to the topic of structural violence. Seipel states that those who are still living in poverty are suffering at inhumane levels (Seipel 2003). The systems in place that support poverty are great examples of structural violence.
    b) Structural violence is a dominant discourse that persists in most communities, institutions and countries, which supersede direct violence.
    In my country Nigeria, formal military disengagement in May 1999 heralded certain expectations of measurable progress and a deepening of democratic development. The political leaders and decision makers espoused an outward confidence that belied the deep seated nature of the Nigerian crisis. At a time when the country ought to have been classified as a post-conflict state in need of urgent, comprehensive and long-term rebuilding. Ten years into civilian rule, the scale, scope and intensity of conflict in Nigeria since the end of military rule challenges the assumed link between military disengagement from politics, de-militarization of Nigeria society and the deepening of the democratic order.
    With no fewer than 20,000 dead in religious and communal conflicts and an exponential increase in structural violence, Nigerians are at risk of almost regretting civilian rule.
    Indeed, the violence that has attended the adoption of Sharia law in the North as well as communal conflicts rendering several parts of the country asunder have been seen as evidence of the intractability of the Nigerian crisis on grounds of adoption of alien laws and policies.
    c) My dream is to ensure public awareness, which is able to detect, respond to structural violence and to support those who suffer from it. I will love to advocate or educate the authorities who are responsible for peace building to consider a deep research of existing culture of any community or countries they want to experiment their democratic policies. We have cases in African countries were alien policies created to suit particular cultural environment outside African context was forced on them which results to structural violence instead of peace building. The government should promote positive peace through grassroots organizations, advocacy, education, and policy change according to societal culture.
    A proper study of the pre colonial era and how the Nigerian society engaged in self rule will help a global social worker understand the country better and engage this understanding in the process of creating solution to the existing crisis.

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    1. Eromosele,

      Thank you for your contribution. Something that really spoke to me about your comments was the acknowledgement of just how large structural violence can be. When you write, "We have cases in African countries were alien policies created to suit particular cultural environment outside African context was forced on them which results to structural violence instead of peace building," I am reminded of my own home country of Pakistan. We too, during partition, experienced what it was like to have an alien force push their policies (especially around land division) onto us. I would argue that, and the Nigerian context, are both forms of structural violence perpetrated against "developing" countries by the "developed". What is especially fascinating is the way that structural violence has begot more structural violence in the region. It seems peacebuilding is the only way to break that vicious cycle.

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  11. Reference:
    Seipel, M. M. (2003). Global poverty no longer an untouchable problem. International Social Work, 46(2), 191-207.
    Ho, K. (2007). Structural violence as a human rights violation (p. 3). University of Essex.
    kayoed,fayemi. (2012). structural-violence-and-nigerias-electoral-system-the-unidentified-threat
    Grodofsky, M. M. (2013). and Peace Building in the Middle East.Interdisciplinary Community Development: International Perspectives, 45.

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  12. By Jurate Seduikiene and our government and our society we have data on gender based violence, and mainly victims become women in families also who seek work .There is a lot of human right violation by men, when is women beaten up or economically superset or her right violated by employer not employing her properly,to appropriate work position. (http://lpf.lt/files/Lithuania-CESR-23.pdf ) It is also pity that still believed that women has to obey to men , if they don’t men can use violence. Also the problems of defining the concept of domestic violence in Lithuania from the perspective of international law, focusing on the problem of delimitation of domestic violence and gender-based violence against women it is international problem. By Laima Vaige The relevance of the analysis in the area of domestic violence against women in Lithuania is tremendous. According to the last specialised Eurobarometer report, 48 per cent of the Lithuanian respondents in Lithuania said they knew a female victim of domestic violence within their circle of friends or family. (https://www.mruni.eu/upload/iblock/ff9/019_vaige.pdf ) . There is big problem in rural area there is big issues by abusing by big amaounts of alcochol , wchich comes to families in social risk and ect. Also these comes families in big conflicts or even violence or killings. But till now situation by getting women higher position in work place is changing not only by subsidies but also but decision making in work, that women is better decisions makers.

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  13. A) Violence is a term that, until recently, I thought of as being the fault of an individual or a group of individuals. I thought of shootings in Chicago and how they are often associated with gangs. I thought of terrorist attacks and their association with ISIS. I thought of a kid on the playground at school hitting another kid because he wouldn’t share his lunch. But through our class lecture and discussion, as well as the readings of Ho and Seipel, I have come to understand that some violence isn’t personal, some violence doesn’t just involve an argument or a fight. Instead, there is some violence that affects thousands and millions of individuals on catastrophic, global scales that is caused not by individuals but by structures placed in society. As Ho describes these structures she explains that they are built into society so that the basic needs of some individuals within the community are met while others go unmet, in turn resulting in a violation of human needs. “In making this argument, structural violence theorists define violence as the avoidable disparity between the potential ability to fulfill basic needs and their actual fulfillment. The theory further locates the unequal share of power to decide over the distribution of resources as the pivotal causal factor of these avoidable structural inequalities. “ (Ho, 2007). Poverty, oppression, individuals within the US justice system, and gender inequality are phenonmenas that occur all throughout the world, on micro and macro scales, and can all in some way be explained by structural violence.

    B) According to the United Nations, India has been named the most dangerous country to be born a female (Aarti For Girls). To some, this comes as a surprise. While gender discrimination is somewhat discussed in relation to India, it is often over shadowed in global news by gender related violence in surrounding countries. However, the idea that Indian women are seen as far less valuable than men is supported by numerous statistics. As of 2011, 1 out of every 10 females are killed each year, and of the 15 million females born annually, 1/4th do not make it past their 15th birthday. These gender-based deaths are not by chance, but are instead a result of a structure within the community that values males far more than females, and celebrates the birth of a boy while mourns the birth of a girl, often finding ways to kill the infant either before or after birth.

    C) My dream for what a globally informed social worker would do with the situation of gender inequality in India includes partnership with a multitude of local organizations that work to educate and advocate for gender equality. Knowledge about the issue needs to be spread, not just to the villagers and locals, but to stakeholders at various ecological levels including business professionals, law enforcement officers, medical physicians, government officials, etc. Not only does policy need to be put in place to challenge the structure that has been set up to devalue women, but the practice of the dowry needs to be made illegal and criminally enforced. Education needs to be mandated throughout the country for both boys and girls, and salary and employment opportunity needs to become synonymous across all levels. To create gender equality in India is no small task, but a globally informed social worker would understand the benefit of self determination, partnership, and cultural competency as the foundation for change.

    Ho, K. (2007). Structural violence as a human rights violation (p. 3). University of Essex.

    The Vision (2016, January). In Aarti For Girls. Retrieved February, 2016, from
    http://www.aartiforgirls.org/#!the-vision/c1loz

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    1. Elle I will refer to your answer a).It was nice to read how your point of view changed through all the readings and discussions. What I found very interesting while reading your text is that a lot of smaller problems changed into less huge problems. First I wasn’t sure if this might be a bigger problem, because huge problems are harder to solve than smaller ones. But I think when we see, that many inequalities are based on structural problems that also means that we have more opportunities to build positive peace. We don’t only have to address those gangs from your examples, we also can act like a global social workers and address the governments, the media, the big companies and so on. Eventually those people grew up in a poor environment, where education is expensive and they are frustrated because they don’t have positive expectations of the future. So we see that we have to fight against poverty, make education affordable for everyone and improve the access to the labour market and with all that to strengthen the resilience. The aim should be to create an environment in which everyone has the possibility to use all of their potential. Thanks for giving me the impetus for thinking over it again.

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  14. Question 3
    a) According to Galtung violence is “impairment of human life, which lowers the actual degree to which someone is able to meet their needs below that which would otherwise possible “ (Ho, 2007, p. 3). By mean of that violence presents when unpleasant situation is avoidable.
    Structural violence can be called indirect violence or institutionalized violence and refers to preventable harm or damage to people where is actor committing the violence. This violence rises from unequal distribution of power and recourses and it is built into structure (Weigert 2008). Structural violence can help to explain the inequality in society and why particular groups of people suffer disproportionately. (Ho, 2007)
    b) Structural violence as a phenomenon can be noticed in all cultures and societies. Lithuania’s policy makes integration for students and immigrants from third countries harder. According to research procedure to get temporary residence permit is difficult and too long. This problem was noticed not only by immigrants, but also by non-governmental organizations which works with immigrants. (Leveckytė, Junevičius 2014). Another problem in Lithuanian law that student from third country can work only from second year of studies meanwhile EU citizens and Lithuanians can work from first year of studies. Research also shows that there is social policy implemented in order to integrate students or workers from third countries. (Leveckytė, Junevičius 2014). These onditions doesn’t let to have proper quality in country and feel as equal society’s members.
    c) There is a need to change social policy in Lithuania and change the law in order to give better opportunities for integration in this country. As a global social worker, I would start negotiation with local government by explaining the need of immigration to all European Union. As Leveckytė says, the immigration is highly needed to Europe because of economic changes big needed of workers and specialists may appear and it can be fulfilled by people from other countries. So new law projects for conditions of getting jobs and getting procedure to get temporary residence permit become easier and shorter. Also social worker should advocate the human right of immigrants, plan, and make integration programs for people who comes to study or work to Lithuania.
    Also the Lithuania‘s society should be educated about strengths of immigration so better communication among different cultures appear.
    I believe that is extremely important to develop awareness and education in Lithuanian society. Also build dialogue between immigrants and Lithuanian government, so their voices could be heard.

    Refferences:
    Ho, K. (2007). Structural violence as a human rights violation (p. 3). University of Essex.
    Leveckytė E., Junevičius A. (2014) "Lietuvos migracijos politika trečiųjų šalių piliečių atžvilgiu: patirtis ir tendencijos".PUBLIC POLICY AND ADMINISTRATION 2014, Vol. 13, No 1, p. 149–162
    Weigert Kathleen Maas (2008). "Structural Violance"

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  15. a) Structural violence is defined by Galtung in Kathleen Ho’s article as “the impairment of human life, which lowers the actual degree to which someone is able to meet their needs below that which would otherwise be possible” (Ho, 2007). To me, this translates to nations having systems in place that set up their citizens for failure. The systems can be set up against a certain socioeconomic group, race, ethnic group, ideology, gender, and many more.
    b) In the United States I would say the minimum wage level is an example of structural violence. In the United States, the federal minimum wage in the United States is $7.25 according to the Department of Labor (Minimum). According to the U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, the poverty level for an individual is $11,770. That means that if I worked a full time (40 hours a week) minimum wage job, I would make $15,080. That is barely over the poverty level and means that I could not take a day off if I wanted to stay out of poverty (2015).
    c) As a social worker, my dream is to make the wages livable. $11,770 pre tax income and $15,080 pre tax income are both not livable. If I made either of those amounts of money, I would not be able to live in Chicago. I would pursue change through education and advocacy for policy change. I understand the need for a measurement level, but it needs to take in to account more factors. It needs to consider geographic location, cost of living, and the stability of the economy. An individual with a full time job that gets sick should not have to choose between staying home and getting better or paying their bills. Financial insecurity is stressful on an individual. It leads to depression, hostility; it affects physical health and can lead to suicide (Davis & Mantler, 2004). Many of the students at the high school I work at had dropped out of school so they could go to work to help support their families because their parent’s jobs did not make enough to support the entire family. Now, they are 20 years old trying to earn their high school diploma. No one should have to sacrifice his or her education because they cannot make a living wage.

    2015 Poverty Guidelines. (2015, September 23). Retrieved March 16, 2016, from https://aspe.hhs.gov/2015-poverty-guidelines#threshholds

    Davis, C. G., & Mantler, J. (2004, March 31). Financial Stress and Its Physical Effects on Individuals, Families, and Society. Retrieved March 16, 2016, from http://www.frbsf.org/community-development/files/choi.pdf

    Ho, K. (2007) Structural Violence as a Human Rights Violation,
    http://projects.essex.ac.uk/ehrr/V4N2/ho.pdf

    Minimum Wage | United States Department of Labor. (n.d.). Retrieved March 16, 2016, from http://www.dol.gov/general/topic/wages/minimumwage#doltopics

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  17. a) Structural violence describes the phenomenon that a system or some structures within a system are responsible for not fulfilling some basic human needs, although they have the possibility to do better. This always concerns specific groups of human beings and the results of structural violation are economic and social inequalities. When we talk about basic human needs, we also talk about human rights, consequently structural violence can also be seen as a structural violence of human rights. The theory of structural violence also says that there wouldn’t exist any economic or social inequality when everyone would have the same power to decide about the distribution of resources.
    b) Nazi Germany is a very obvious example of structural violence. (I will only give a few examples from that time because it’s impossible to mention everything in a way that it’s not going to be an essay. So the information will not be complete.) Jewish citizens as well as disabled people and other smaller groups of human beings lost step by step all their rights. So it was a specific group which had to suffer and not because there was no other way, it was because the government decided to build up a system which excluded those groups from being part of the society and also from the economic sector. They had to give up their homes, their businesses and everything else they needed to live. The government took all the basic rights away from the Jewish people. On the 7th of April 1933 they put a new law in the statute book which said that they retire all public officials who are not “Aryan”. On the 15th of Nov. 1938 all Jewish children had to leave the German schools. The Federal Agency for Civic Education says that more than 60 million people were systematically killed in that time. So I think Nazi Germany was the worst case of structural violence that ever existed!
    c) A globally-informed social worker should definitely consolidate democracy! He or she should advocate those who suffer from structural violence and when I view with the eyes of Yunus, every social and economic inequality is the result of a system which should get improved. Building social structures which promote positive peace is another way of prevention. An additional important role of a global social worker is to be an educator. The more knowledge people get the better. Especially the knowledge about your own rights is very important and to empower people to stand up for their rights. But it’s not only about advocating and educating those who are treated unfairly from the system, it’s also about informing the general society to prevent fears.

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    1. Sarah, I like the point that you made at the end about a social worker informing society to prevent fears. I think a lot of people go along with whatever society tells them to do because they are afraid of doing something different. They are afraid of repercussion because they are not properly educated on their rights.

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    2. Sarah,
      Yes, I agree with Sara's comment! It is evident through our classroom discussions that we really value education, but I unfortunately don't see the role of educator as that of a social worker. We are full of information, knowledge and understanding that it should be a natural fit.

      I am also really glad that you brought up the point of "informing the general society to prevent fears". For me, it's easy to see myself as an activist or advocate, working alongside those who are marginalized. I have realized lately that is also very important to do as you say and work with those who may not be directly affected. Thank you for reigniting these thoughts of mine as I continue my work in an affluent part of Chicago's suburbs... I constantly avoid working with community members who aren't directly affected/fear the idea of economic justice and I need to reevaluate this.

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  19. a) Galtung defines structural violence as “avoidable impairment of fundamental human needs or, to put it in more general terms, the impairment of human life, which lowers the actual degree to which someone is able to meet their needs below that which would otherwise be possible’’ (Ho, 2007). Structural violence also can be called as indirect violence or institutionalized violence. Structural violence is differentiated from personal violence (direct or behavioral) and refers to preventable harm or damage to persons where there is no actor committing the violence or where it is not practical to search for the actor(s). It is the result of the unequal distribution of power and resources or built into the structure(s) (Weigert, 2008).
    b) One of an example of structural violence in Lithuania could be extremely high prices for treatment and drugs and low incomes. If you need treatment and you are just student or elderly person or even person who doesn’t earn a lot of money it is really a problem to get good treatment. Of course we have governmental health care facilities which are for free but very often the queues are too large to wait in case of emergency for your health. But if you do have no money you are forced to wait (sometimes month, two, or three…). Furthermore, very often you have to pay during treatment process: for medical tests, for expensive medications because not all of them are included in the list of reimbursable medications and it could be a huge problem for people who incomes are law. That’s why I can call this situation as structural violence in my country. Also it is noticed that people who are graduated in lower education, who are getting lower incomes and who are less skilled workers became sick more often than others. Moreover, as I said before, they feel health inequalities and inequity. In modern society health inequalities involves not only differences of sicknesses and mortalities but also availability of services, satisfaction with the services received and them differences of quality (Aguonytė and others, 2014).
    c) I would dream to try to change this situation. I think in Lithuania we should look how other countries are dealing with this problem in health care, what kind of social policy they are using because I strongly believe that everything starts in social policy. Social and economic health disparities reduction should become priority of the state policy. Also people who suffer from this problem have to be involved in this problem solving too. In other words, all people have to be involved: politicians, from health inequalities suffering people and even doctors. Only in this way we could wait for changes in health care for people with low incomes.
    Ho, K. (2007). Structural violence as a human rights violation (p. 3). University of Essex.
    Weigert Kathleen Maas (2008). "Structural Violence"
    Aguonytė, V., Valentienė, J., Nedzinskienė, L., Beržanskytė, A., Zolubienė, E. (2014). Vyresnio amžiaus asmenų sveikatos netolygumai. Literatūros apžvalga. Vilniaus universitetas.

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  20. a) Ho describes structural violence as “the avoidable disparity between the potential ability to fulfill basic needs and their actual fulfillment”. I really love this description a lot. It is concise, uses wonderful social work terms, and says immediately that it is avoidable.

    I identify the hateful word of elected officials (or presidential candidates) as violence if it disproportionately or discriminately oppresses a group of people.

    b) Without being familiar with the term “structural violence”, this notion is what initially led me to question my path towards a profession in mental health. While interning in a women’s prison in Decatur, IL, I began to notice patterns with the women who I was working with in both individual and group therapy. Without mentioning the high recidivism rate in Illinois, I started to compile statistics on my caseload. Of all the women who were charged with prostitution, 100% of them were sexually abused as children. Of that same group, over 80% of them were in foster care.

    This opened my eyes to the importance of macro social work. I could become the best therapist in the world and talk about self-confidence, shame resiliency and coping skills until I was blue in the face… but I realized very quickly that it was likely a lot of them would never escape the cycle of poverty and/or the criminal “justice” system.

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  21. c) A globally informed social worker, in partnership with groups like We Charge Genocide and Project NIA, could continue to educate legislators on the reality of our current system. As Ho stated, I think a preliminary step is having regime’s “address the shortcomings of enforcement mechanisms” (Ho, 2007, 15). If decision-makers could be accountable for the structural violence inflicted (upon people of color, for example), then it will be easier to create change.

    As social workers, we can provide literature about human rights that affect their constituents. Sen argues that freedom and well-being are reliant on the “rights to active political participation, at the local and higher levels, in determining the shape of one's social and economic environment” (Garrett, 2003). It can also be argued that imprisoning people (especially for minor drug charges) at such high rates and therefore taking away their right to vote is depriving people of their freedom. This is what Grodofsky calls positive peace or “the creation of a reality characterized by social
    justice, political participation, ecological balance and economic equity” (2007, p. 47).

    Elected officials and social workers alike value evidence-based practice, and frankly, the amount that exists that supports positive peace and “freedom” (as defined by Sen) is abundant.

    References

    Garrett, J. (2003). Amartya Sen’s Ethics of Substantial Freedom. Available at: http://people.wku.edu/jan.garrett/ethics/senethic.htm.

    Grodofsky, M. M. (2007). The Contribution of Law and Social Work to Interdisciplinary Community Development and Peace Building in the Middle East. Journal of Community Practice, 15, 45-65.

    Ho, K. (2007) Structural Violence as a Human Rights Violation,
    http://projects.essex.ac.uk/ehrr/V4N2/ho.pdf

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  23. a) Galtung's view about structural violence is distinguished from personal violence (direct or behavioral) and refers to harm or damage to people where there is no actor committing the violence or where it is not practical to search for the actor; such violence emerges from the unequal distribution of power and resources or, to be built structure (Ho K, 2007). While he is exampling personal violence with man beating one women, he calls violence when all men keep going to beat their wifes or women as a structural violence. In this sample we may surely notice that our lack of societies sounds against to violence towards women describes how structural violence is placed in our communities.
    b - c ) Women in Turkey continue to be a victim of rape and honor killings. Violence against women in Turkey has skyrocketed. According to the Turkish Ministry of justice, from 2003, there was a 1400 percent increase in the number of murders of women. Last year there were at least 287 cases of women being murdered because they asked for a divorce. Instead of being killed by their families, women and girls are often forced to kill themselves instead when they are deemed to have brought shame upon their families. The families do not want to send a son to prison as well as killing daughter. With rising death rates and an ineffective government response, women in Turkey continue to face with violence with increasing rates. In the past we used to read about traffic deaths. Now news reports start with how many women have been killed. A report from the Ministry of Family and Social Policies shows that hour in every 10 women in Turkey as subject to physical and sexual violence by their husbands or boyfriends at least once in their life. The report say 17,000 women applied for police protection against abusive spouses in 2014. The ministry reports says women from all walks of life are at the risk of domestic violence, but such cases are more prevalent among women who got married at early age and women who have field for divorce from their husbands or separated from them. According to figured from the Turkish National Police, throughout 2014, 118,014 women were victims of domestic violence.
    These examples are not enough to change this violence which is structured in Turkey. Social pressure and the duty or definition (i am sorry for the word) of women in society is more strict then value or dignity of women in Turkish society (In some regions). Because of this social pressure on women most of them afraid to advocate their right towards violence. Even the combat organizations against discrimination or violence, could encounter with threats by the husband of women who took shelter in these organizations. For that reason the most beneficial advocate for them who had or who are under risk of violence, is to invite all people to give sounds against this ignorance without dividing gender. It was awesome and inspiring for me when I read Sunitha's experience. ''When Sunitha was a middle- class child in kindergarten, she took a slate and went to teach a group of poor children what she had learned in school that day'' (Kristof N. Wudunn C. 2010). This part evokes for me that every human could harbor some skills of social worker, conscience and humanity inside. Gathering people's advocates at the global perspective from all over the world could create enough fear for ignorance to escape from my society.
    Kristof, N. & Wudunn, C. (2010). Half the Sky: Turning Oppression into Opportunity for Women Worldwide. New York: Vintage.
    Ho, K. (2007). Structural violence as a human rights violation (p. 3). University of Essex

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    1. Thank you for sharing Muzzaffer. I am inspired by your willingness to tackle such a serious issue. I think your solution to stop these honor killings is smart. When the individuals that are being harmed by the unequal mindset of gender equality are being kept silent through fear, it is time for the international community to rise up and stop the spread of harmful ideologies. What work (if any) to stop honor killings and domestic violence is the government and law enforcement doing as this problem continues to grow?

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  24. A.) Structural violence can be defined as a concept that describes the process by which certain groups of people can be systematically harmed by being prevented from getting their basic needs (Ho 2007). This situation can happen when a nation or community has systems in place that adversely impact on certain group of people, e.g. the Prison riot in England, the 7/7 terrorist attack in London. It can be defined as a concept that describes the process in which certain groups of people are systematically harmed by being prevented from meeting their basic needs. When a nation or community has systems in place that adversely impact on a certain group of people who may become vulnerable to being harmed. In his research, (Seipel, 2003) discusses global poverty in a manner that relates to the topic of structural violence. Seipel describes a world that is, today, far more prosperous than it has been in the past. While the number of people in poverty has dropped significantly, those who are still living in poverty are suffering at inhumane levels (Seipel 2003). Poverty and the systems in place that support it are a great example of structural violence.
    Structural violence is attributed to the specific organizations of society that injure or harm individuals or masses of individuals.
    Young children are dying of malnutrition in developing countries due to structural violence (Galtung, 1990). It is the effect of structures on individual agency that results in this gap between potential and actual fulfilment of rights.

    B) In my own country United Kingdom there are pockets of poverty. Few are visible while majority are hidden. This is true for all developed countries of the world.
    Hunger and poverty are two prime examples of what is described as structural violence that is physical and psychological harm that results from exploitative and unjust social, political and economic systems. It is something that most of us know is going on, some of us have experienced it, but in its starker forms, it is sufficiently distant from most people, that it is often hard to get a good perspective on it.
    Structural violence theorists characterize the world system as very unequal, represented by a growing difference between those who are rich and getting richer and those who are poor and getting poorer.


    C) My dream is to collaborate with other agencies to wipe out hunger and preventable diseases worldwide without real inconvenience to anyone. The conditions of global inequality that result in severe poverty are certainly avoidable. Moreover, poverty creates conditions where the actual ability to meet fundamental human needs are obstructed by a bad political system. There are clear indicators that poverty effectively constitutes the violence that creates the disparity between actual and possible abilities to meet fundamental human needs. In his Tedx Talk, Muhammad Yunus used Microfinance project to alleviate poverty in Bangladesh. If one man can change the lives of millions of poor people, our government could do it better.


    References:
    Alexander, M. (2010). The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of col
    Galtung, Johan (1990). Cultural Violence, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 27, No. 3, pp. 291-305.
    Pogge, T. (2003) Priorities of Global Justice in David Held and Anthony McGrew (eds.), The Global Transformations Reader, Cambridge: Polity Press, 548-558 at 548.

    Kathleen Ho:(2007) Structural Violence as a Human Rights Violation, Essex Human Rights Review, Vol. 4 No. 2, September 2007 (ISSN 1756-1957).
    Kohler, G. and Alcock, N. (1976) Journal of Peace Research, Vol 13, pp. 343-356)
    Seipel, Michael. (2003). Global poverty: No longer an untouchable problem. International Social Work, 46, 191-207.
    UNDP Human Development Report (1999), New York, NY: Human Development Report Office.

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  25. Key to understanding structural violence is grounding in structuralism. “Distinct from rationalism, structuralism asserts that individuals and states do not make decisions solely on the basis of rational choice. Instead, ‘…individuals are embedded in relational structures that shape their identities, interests, and interactions,’” (Ho, 2007, p. 2). Galtung (1969), in his seminal work, argues that structural violence is preventable harm emergent from the unequal distribution of power in relational structures. As such, there is no single actor to blame, but rather a structure (which may be a State or social construction), which perpetuates social inequality. Paul Farmer, medical anthropologist and physician, builds on Galtung’s work, pointing out, as Ho (2005) succinctly puts, “Structural violence, therefore, originates in this unequal distribution of power among actors and can further trace its origins to human agency. This unequal distribution of power then systematically disadvantages those who do not hold as much if any power at all,” (p. 4). As such, structural violence has the propensity to reproduce itself, systematically disenfranchising the very people most harmed by its oppressive apparatus.

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    1. An example of a structurally violent configuration unfortunately comes from my country of origin, Pakistan. The people most harmed by, what is essentially a State-sponsored apparatus, are HIV “positive” migrant workers traveling from Pakistan to Persian Gulf countries (e.g. Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE). I say “positive” because the problematic structures in place between Pakistan and the Persian Gulf countries (heretofore referred to as their economic structure of Gulf Cooperation Council) have the potential to complicate results. Qureshi (2013) offers a comprehensive qualitative picture (boasting over 200 interviews!) of the situation. Pakistani labor migrants to the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), which make up almost all patients in Pakistani HIV clinics, face structural violence in three clear ways (p. 209). The first is the “certified fitness” requirements surrounding migration. The GCC, which has economic leverage over Pakistan (and therefore its migrant laborers) sets strict requirements on who can immigrate to their countries. A positive HIV test makes a potential migrant unfit. The structure however uses faulty screening machines (leading to false positives), does not provide services to those who do test positive, and will not rescind false positive labels. Moreover, the GCC uses its own screening procedures that can lead to positive screenings that will lead to lifetime bans to the GCC. This forces economic migrants to consider illegal means of immigration. The second problematic structure is the information given to migrants before they leave. They “learn” that HIV/AIDS is a disease that foreigners get, and, that if they are “good Muslims” they might not even contract diseases like AIDS. Interestingly, “…as many as 86% [of migrant laborer men] engage in sexual contact with a female sex workers during their stay in the GCC countries…” (p. 209). The misinformation sets the migrants up to fail by leaving them ill-informed of their risk for contracting HIV. Finally, migrants face barriers to repatriation to Pakistan if they test HIV-Positive while in the GCC (migrants face tests yearly). Migrants who test HIV-positive in the GCC are immediately sent back without their papers, have to prove their citizenship in Pakistan, face expensive testing and retesting to confirm their diagnosis, and then deal with the stigma and their lifetime ban from the GCC. These economic migrants, who had supported their families through remittances, instead become “economically dependent and socially outcast” (p. 217). I agree with Qureshi (2013) in that the structural violence emerges from vast gulf of power between the GCC and Pakistan. To preserve the flow and demand of migrant workers from Pakistan (who then boost the economy through remittances), it is in the best interest of the state to downplay or silence the true epidemiological realities of HIV infection. Tragically then, the workers suffer most.

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    2. A globally informed social worker might find both solace and guidance in Castro & Farmer’s (2005) work on promoting “virtuous social cycles” among Haitians with AIDS. Rather than reify the stigma associated with AIDS, Castro & Farmer (2005) consider the structural violence perpetrated against individuals with AIDS and ultimately challenge the prevailing notion that stigma chiefly interferes with healthcare. Instead, they argue that appropriate, affordable, and effective healthcare is what can attenuate stigma. Similarly, a globally informed social worker in the Pakistani context might begin by providing accurate information to individuals about HIV, its transmission, and its treatment. This would need to be done at the community and State levels. Second, Pakistani migrants need access to protection from STIs. A social worker could go so far as to open a center, in partnership with both the GCC and Pakistan’s government, that would screen, provide counseling, and provide protection consistently across international borders. At the local level, individuals who test HIV positive need access to medication and accurate information regarding what it is like to live with HIV. This can be done by partnering with community leaders and empowering them to provide the support their neighbors need. This will be critical to beginning virtuous social cycles (e.g. workers can be economically productive and socially connected once again). Policy objectives would include advocating that the lifetime ban on labor migration to the GCC be removed or severely curtailed and collecting meaningful, rigorous information on HIV rates so that data can be used to drive decisions rather than the extant power structures. Ultimately, it would be a multi-front effort putting the worker’s narratives, capacities, and self-determination at the forefront.

      References

      Castro, A., & Farmer, P. (2005). Understanding and addressing AIDS-related stigma: from anthropological theory to clinical practice in Haiti. American journal of public health, 95(1), 53-59.

      Galtung, J. (1969). Violence, peace, and peace research. Journal of peace research, 6(3), 167-191.

      Ho, K. (2007). Structural violence as a human rights violation (p. 3). University of Essex.

      Qureshi, A. (2013). Structural violence and the state: HIV and labour migration from Pakistan to the Persian Gulf. Anthropology & medicine, 20(3), 209-220.

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    3. A globally informed social worker might find both solace and guidance in Castro & Farmer’s (2005) work on promoting “virtuous social cycles” among Haitians with AIDS. Rather than reify the stigma associated with AIDS, Castro & Farmer (2005) consider the structural violence perpetrated against individuals with AIDS and ultimately challenge the prevailing notion that stigma chiefly interferes with healthcare. Instead, they argue that appropriate, affordable, and effective healthcare is what can attenuate stigma. Similarly, a globally informed social worker in the Pakistani context might begin by providing accurate information to individuals about HIV, its transmission, and its treatment. This would need to be done at the community and State levels. Second, Pakistani migrants need access to protection from STIs. A social worker could go so far as to open a center, in partnership with both the GCC and Pakistan’s government, that would screen, provide counseling, and provide protection consistently across international borders. At the local level, individuals who test HIV positive need access to medication and accurate information regarding what it is like to live with HIV. This can be done by partnering with community leaders and empowering them to provide the support their neighbors need. This will be critical to beginning virtuous social cycles (e.g. workers can be economically productive and socially connected once again). Policy objectives would include advocating that the lifetime ban on labor migration to the GCC be removed or severely curtailed and collecting meaningful, rigorous information on HIV rates so that data can be used to drive decisions rather than the extant power structures. Ultimately, it would be a multi-front effort putting the worker’s narratives, capacities, and self-determination at the forefront.

      References

      Castro, A., & Farmer, P. (2005). Understanding and addressing AIDS-related stigma: from anthropological theory to clinical practice in Haiti. American journal of public health, 95(1), 53-59.

      Galtung, J. (1969). Violence, peace, and peace research. Journal of peace research, 6(3), 167-191.

      Ho, K. (2007). Structural violence as a human rights violation (p. 3). University of Essex.

      Qureshi, A. (2013). Structural violence and the state: HIV and labour migration from Pakistan to the Persian Gulf. Anthropology & medicine, 20(3), 209-220.

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  26. Dr. Paul Farmer, says „Structural violence is one way of describing social arrangements that put individuals and populations in harm’s way. The arrangements are structural because they are embedded in the political and economic organization of our social world; they are violent because they cause injury to people. Nneither culture nor pure individual will is at fault; rather, historically given (and often economically driven) processes and forces conspire to constrain individual agency. Structural violence is visited upon all those whose social status denies them access to the fruits of scientific and social progress,“.
    Paul Kivel gave an example „“Over 20 years’ worth of studies show that people of color who arrive at a hospital while having a heart attack are significantly less likely to receive aspirin, beta-blocking drugs, clot-dissolving drugs, acute cardiac catheterization, angioplasty, or bypass surgery. Race, class, and gender clearly make a difference in how patients are diagnosed and treated.”
    My example is about structural violence against women.
    Various studies reveals the prevalence of violence against women. The studies reveals extent and structure of the urgency of the problem of violence and depth, also helps to assess public opinion on the causes of violence against women, the prevalence and consequences.Various studies reveals the prevalence of violence against women. The studies reveals extent and structure of the urgency of the problem of violence and depth, also helps to assess public opinion on the causes of violence against women, the prevalence and consequences. In Studies violence is often used as a synonym for forcing. Care about domestic violence against women driven by the fact that Lithuania is essentially free of the development of strategies to combat domestic violence against women. Phenomenon of violence against women in every society has a long historically tradition, but it is important to pay attention to each country's social historical context where formed social acceptability of this problem in society. So far, there is no global international convention, clearly consolidating about woman's right to be free from violence. There is a convention prohibiting racial violence on the basis of protecting the rights of disabled people and children, but a woman's right to be free from violence - this established only in declarations, resolutions, jurisprudence and general recommendations of those organizations who are watching conventions. It is recognized that at the international level, there is still a normative gap.

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  27. Diminished public status of woman and limitation of development potentials are called structural violence. In this case, there are no visible direct physical or psychological consequences of violence. It is about equality between women and men's rights and opportunities. Still exists the tradition of women's inferiority and devaluation. All this can easily to se in our daily life, eg., Men and women have qualities and behavior which is expected from the different sexes. Unequal opportunities for men and women in the labor market, education, politics. In battle against women violence and the helping to women, men's harm are often diminished, the causes of violence are searched in woman's behavior, lifestyles, clothing. To address this problem, should be considered global experience, international document recommendations and analyze the real situation in the country. In order to eliminate this type of violence, it is necessary to change the whole society approach to the weaker sex. " You need to change the concept of masculinity and femininity in all public structures. This can be done only in active educational activities which are aimed specifically in world women's organizations in around the world.
    In Lithuania about violence against women started to openly speak only last twentieth-century decade, after the declaration of independence. The publicity of facing the problem of violence against women are increasingly becoming the subject of various discussions. Male violence against women includes physical, emotional, sexual, economic actions. It causes not only physical, sexual or psychological suffering of women. It is limiting their rights and freedom, but also creates the violence risk to other members of the family. Lithuania remains a strong patriarchal attitudes and the witness of that unequal gender status, and women's and men's family roles disproportion. Gender equality, problems of equal opportunities today is very relevant in Lithuania. Paradoxically, today seen a fairly significant reduction in the role of women in society, the economical discrimination against women and gender inequality in economic gain. Policies of Gender equality is political ground of each country which seeks to social justice.Therefore, violence against women is the barrier to creating equal opportunities in society. Although Lithuania is a member of many international human rights organizations and Lithuanian law prohibits violence, but despite this, there is still a lack of specific rules that establish responsibility for the violence against women.

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  28. a) Structural Violence is a silent force; no one recognizes its damage nor will it make a headline but it is a problem and a major one. When institutions are put in place that allows for structural violence and oppression how are the most oppressed able to protect themselves if they do not see it as a threat. Structural violence can be qualified in two ways institution wise through governing parties, the economy, and large organizations and then it can also include the social structures that include all of the “isms” and issues between classes (Ho, 2007). Structural violence is a suffering that is exacerbated by society's institutions.


    b) There is significant structural violence in Poland currently with the refugee crisis. In late 2015 when Poland held its national elections the country voted one of the more conservative governments they have had since the fall of communism. This issue has provided for some difficulty when accepting refugees and any basic human rights agenda from happening. The country has become anti-Muslim, to an extreme. Individuals who have lived in Poland their whole lives who have identified as Muslim now fear for their lives (NY Times, 2016). Poland has little diversity when it comes to religion, and the difference it has had is deeply rooted going back for hundreds of years. The Tatars are a small group on the north eastern side of Poland, by Belarus, who are Muslim there is about a total of 3,000 of them, they have safely existed in Poland for six centuries but the day the conservative party was elected was the same day of the Paris attacks. Poland is 94% Roman Catholic; the diversity is minimal, but they have existed peacefully. Now the Tartar Muslims are worried about the influx of Refugees and what it will do for their safety. With refugees coming to the country the more threat there is to Muslims in general, Poland is a strong nationalistic country, at times this is good (Solidarnosc) but in current history is putting them and the party on the oppressive side of history.

    c) A globally informed social worker would advocate for the Tartar people and discuss with the Polish Justice and Law Party the benefits of keeping the Tatars safe. Poland signed the Declaration of Human Rights and violated people’s religion, or their ability to practice is a violation. We talked about human rights in class and its importance in working as a global social worker. I would also try to educate the Polish people on Islam and the benefits of having a diverse religious population. It would be great to have the Tatar people share their story and do community organization for all oppressed religious groups in Poland like in Vieques and help them to have a say in what happens to them. Currently, they live in a remote part of Poland which they do not mind but to feel safe and for their sacred structures to not be vandalized. There needs to be education and there to peace and this begins with education and diminishing the “other” that they are all one nation.

    Ho, K. (2007). Structural violence as a human rights violation (p. 3). University of Essex.

    http://www.nybooks.com/articles/2016/01/14/stop-racist-violence-in-poland/

    http://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/17/world/europe/polands-tatars-feel-uncertain-as-anti-muslim-sentiment-grows.html?_r=0

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  29. Structural violence theorists define violence as the avoidable disparity between the potential ability to fulfill basic needs and their actual fulfillment. The theory further locates the unequal share of power to decide over the distribution of resources as the pivotal causal factor of these avoidable structural inequalities. Recognizing that structural causes are responsible for constrained agency is pivotal in making the transition from structural violence to structural violations of human rights. It is the effect of structures on individual agency that results in this gap between potential and actual fulfillment of rights.
    When I think about an example of structural violence in Lithuania, emigration comes into my mind. All Lithuanians, who are forced to leave our country because of the economic conditions, are economic emigrants. Lithuania is often called as the European capital of emigration. One third of the population has left since country gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1990: “Lithuania is de facto a country of emigration. Lithuania’s emigration rate is among the highest in the European Union. Since independence in 1990 around 825 thousand people or almost one third of the population has left the country” (EMN, http://123.emn.lt/en/general-trends/lithuania-in-the-eu-context).The 2008–2009 financial crisis has accelerated economic emigration even further. For example, people were sacked and forced to leave to work in richer countries so that they could pay their loans back home. “The money transfers sent back to Lithuania during the crisis made up to 4.6 per cent of total Lithuanian GDP. This helped Lithuania to ease the harsh effects of crisis, caused by job losses or downsized wages” (http://pandeia.eu/staff/greta-jankaityte/lithuania-the-emigration-nation).
    When speaking about migration we must keep in mind that it not always depends on economy. In Lithuania this phenomenon has few dimensions which include political and cultural elements. Considering historical perspective, Lithuania regained freedom and independence very recently. Lithuanians have spent 50 years occupied by the Soviet Union and had very restricted travelling rights. Therefore it can be naturally that after gaining independence many people felt the urge to see what the Western world has to offer. After joining the EU in 2004, Lithuanians could freely migrate to countries such as the UK or Ireland. So in these countries now harbor the biggest numbers of Lithuanian emigrants. However, the problem is that numbers leaving are bigger than returning. For example, “in 2014, the emigration rate slightly decreased while the immigration rate increased. In 2014, 36.6 thousand persons left Lithuania, and around 24.3 thousand persons arrived. However, in 2014, 1.5 times more people emigrated than immigrated. Returning Lithuanian residents accounted for 80 per cent of all immigrants. The rest (around 4.8 thousand or 20 per cent) were foreigners” (EMN http://123.emn.lt/en/general-trends/migration-10-years-overview).Therefore migration becomes very important part of culture also a factor which greatly influences and changes common culture or even creates new one.

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  30. In anyways phenomenon of migration has very painful consequences for Lithuania. People who migrate to a foreign country very often work hard the difficult jobs. Economics plays a big role in emigration: the wage in Lithuania is quite low and the big part of citizens can hardly survive from their income. Today minimum salary is about €350 per month but it is barely enough for basic needs. So many people are forced to live limiting themselves. Therefore people abandon their home, friends, families and often even their children. A relatively small number of people earn enough money to fully answer their needs. “For example, on average a teacher in Lithuania makes around €600. In Denmark you can make this money while working part-time as a cleaner. But why would a person with a higher education be willing to go to a foreign land, to leave family behind and work in a low-qualified job? Well, some are hoping to settle in and work their way up” (http://pandeia.eu/staff/greta-jankaityte/lithuania-the-emigration-nation/).
    Most people hope to emigrate temporarily to make money and send it back home, for instance, to pay debts. But there is other problem, as living costs in UK or for example in Nordic countries are very high, thus temporary emigrants, in order to have some money to send back home, are forced to share extremely small living spaces and work long hours without any real social life.Very often people who have higher education also must leave our country because they cannot found job according to their specialty. “Due to emigration, Lithuania loses a high percentage of the young working-age population. 72 per cent of emigrants are between 15 and 44 years old. To compare, less than half (39 per cent) of Lithuania’s residents belong to this age group” (EMN http://123.emn.lt/en/emigration/emigrants-by-age-group).Many of young people studying in universities and aiming for education feels negatively about their future because they know that they probably will not find a job they want to work. Looking from this perspective, young people became victims of the vicious circle. Many people are disappointed by the reality of independent life. Many of them already lost hope that something can change to good and this mood has spread widely in society. People are feeling oppressed by State, they do not trust law or government. In this way the divisions between people and government is growing.
    I dream about global social worker who can influence government policy on base of the law. I think that global social worker must be able to evaluate real situation in society as well as economic states’ condition. Social worker can adapt positive experience from other countries and use it to solve his own country’s problems. In my opinion, law for creating business must be more favorable. I think that global social worker can be act on the basis of Yunus example. System that supports young people willing to start business in Lithuania must be created. Also the attitude of employer towards employee must be adjusted. Global social worker must be willing to create programs that support and encourage employers to employ young workers who do not have work experience. I think that Lithuanians are enterprising enough and all that need is to create them favorable conditions for the business. Social worker also must work on reducing gap between high and middle class.

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  31. References
    http://www.voxeurop.eu/en/content/article/1498571-good-life-does-not-come-easily-lithuania
    http://pandeia.eu/staff/greta-jankaityte/lithuania-the-emigration-nation/
    http://123.emn.lt/en/general-trends/migration-10-years-overview
    http://123.emn.lt/en/general-trends/lithuania-in-the-eu-context
    http://123.emn.lt/en/emigration/emigrants-by-age-group
    http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/pdf/csr2016/cr2016_lithuania_en.pdf
    http://projects.essex.ac.uk/ehrr/V4N2/ho.pdf.

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  32. a) In studies violence is often used as synonym of abuse. Abuse is one of the most sensitive and tangible health issues of society. The issue of abuse is incredibly difficult and manifold: abuse against women, aggressive behavior towards children are one of the main human right violations and health issues. Violence depends on culture, values, social norms and that is one of the main reasons why it is the issue of entire society and why it was ignored for so long. This phenomena has a persisting, historically rooted tradition in every society, but whilst studying it, it is important to take into account the social and historical background which forms the social acceptance of the above mentioned issue, in the society.
    The theory of structural violence provides a useful framework for the understanding of structural violations of human rights, through an examination of how structures constrain agency to the extent that fundamental human needs are unattainable (Ho, 2007). The human need to feel safe is vulnerable if it is used against any kind of violence. Galtung asserts that structural violence, as opposed to personal or direct violence, is indirect in that ‘there may not be any person who directly harms another person in the structure. The violence is built into the structure and shows up as unequal power and consequently as unequal life chances (Ho, 2007). Structural violence refers to systematic ways in which social structures harm or otherwise disadvantage individuals. Structural violence is subtle, often invisible, and often has no one specific person who can (or will) be held responsible (in contrast to behavioral violence). I also hold that behavioral violence and structural violence can intertwine — some of the easiest examples of structural violence involve police, military, or other state powers committing violent acts. One key aspect of structural violence is that it is often hard to see. Even more difficult than identifying structural violence is assigning culpability. In most cases where violence is mentioned, the public waiting for clear steps to show that violence bookmarks, but rare is the mind that can exist and barely noticeable - structural violence.

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    1. Edita, I really appreciated your acknowledgement that violence manifests differently among cultures, values, and social norms. More specifically, that structural violence is rooted in cultural traditions. Unfortunately, I see it frequently in my own culture and I work towards challenging the structural violence's I am faced with. Though it is subtle, and many times difficult to identify, it must be acknowledged and faced. I liked your emphasis on the difficulty in the process. Thank you for your post!

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    2. Thank's Aneta for your opinion :)

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  33. b) One of the greatest examples of structural violence in Lithuania is physically disabled persons with environmental adaptation of public services accessibility. For example, if physically disabled person want to start attending school, but the learning institution's physical environment is not suitable for the disabled with or lifts or ramps, portable bridges, he can’t enter the interior of the building, at the same time it limits the availability of the service. While most of the educational institutions located in urban areas, are adapted or partially adapted to rural areas it is still quite an acute problem. Only small parts of schools are being reconstructed and adapted for physically disabled people with special needs. But they are just the way we want to start attending school and nowhere else, but with us.
    The United Nations Children's Rights Convention, 23, 27 and 28 of the Child Protection Framework Law 28 and Article 34 provides for a disabled child's right a full and decent life, in conditions which ensure dignity, promote self-reliance and to actively participate in society, children's rights a standard of living adequate for the child's physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development, as well as the right to education, which would develop his general cultural knowledge, intelligence, skills, attitudes and social responsibility, facilitate personality development (United Nations rights of the child Convention, 1989; Lithuania rights of the child protection Framework Act, 1996) General education is an important part of socialization. Thanks to him developing the working, social, educational and other skills go hand in further human life (Gintilaitė, 2011). Lithuania is compulsory basic education, but the paradox is that if you are physically disabled and live in a rural area, you have to choose not the desired school, but one that is tailored to the needs of people with disabilities.
    c) In order to change the situation in Lithuania laws of the treaty should be added, which provided heavy fines institutions for the unavailability of educational services for people with disabilities. A social worker in place to help represent the interests of the disabled, to help look for organizations helps the disabled integrate into society, as well as to help the public to accept a disabled person as a full-fledged member of society.

    References:
    Gintilaitė S. (2011) Bendrojo lavinimo švietimo prieinamumas Lietuvos Respublikoje: Šiaulių rajono atvejo studija.Vilnius.
    Ho, K. (2007). Structural violence as a human rights violation (p. 3). University of Essex.

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  34. a) Structural Violence is both subtle and invisible; it refers to systematic ways in social structures put individuals at a disadvantage. The biggest issue with structural violence, however, is that those who are oppressed or faced with oppression typically are not aware that they are being faced with it. As a result, they are unable to protect themselves when they do not see such institutions as a threat. Kathleen Ho (2007) illuminates how structural inequalities systematically deny individuals of their basic human needs. Such violence can be demonstrated in the variety of isms that are created, to induce violence; all for a purpose, but without individuals understanding its source.
    b) As a first generation Polish American, I am strongly tied to Poland’s history and present. As heard around Europe, and specifically in Poland there is a refugee crisis. Polish individuals are strongly against accepting refugees into their country. They have become anti-Muslim to an exaggerated degree. Many times I hear my own family mention their opposition to refugees and Muslims. Though related through history – with Poland being a slightest diverse country – it is discouraging to hear. As the only social worker in my family, I find myself struggling in supporting minority cultures. Much of which I know is rooted in my family’s history, but I work to continuously examine.
    c) In my opinion, a globally informed social worker would advocate for the human rights of all individuals regardless of where they come from, what race, religion, gender, or socioeconomic status they come from. From a personal manner, I would like to educate my family on the diversity that this world is based on. I would hope to educate them on empowerment and respect of all individuals. Constantly I hear of the struggle my grandparents and parents endured to enter the United States – it would only make sense for them to stand in solidarity with those individuals that also emigrated from other countries; different from their own. Though different countries, religions, or races – they can relate on a micro level of suffering and struggle.

    Ho, K. (2007). Structural violence as a human rights violation (p. 3). University of Essex.

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  35. a) Our esteemed Loyola professor, Kathleen Maas Weigert writes, “(structural) violence emerges from the unequal distribution of power and resources…” It is a socially structured concept that describes how individuals are prevented from meeting their basic human needs. A key aspect of structural violence to keep in mind is that it is largely preventable. In America, we have hungry and homeless people on the streets, but empty apartment buildings and piles of uneaten food in the trash. Kathleen Ho takes her definition a bit further and calls structural violence a violation of human rights when needs cannot be attained due to systemic constraints. It is refreshing to hear someone call out structural violence for what it is when it denies a person their rights as humans.
    b) An example of structural violence in America can be found in our criminal justice system. Our goal of providing “correctional facilities” to individuals that break the law is largely failing. They are doing everything but “correcting”. In a study by the Bureau of Justice Statistics, researchers found 67.8% of released prisoners were arrested for a new crime within 3 years, and three-quarters (76.6%) were arrested within 5 years. The criminal justice system is rooted in a sense of “you do the crime, you do the time”, meaning you get what you deserve. There is little focus on actual rehabilitation and emotional healing on the part of the offender. The system perpetuates a cycle of repeat offenders because it is not set up to transform an offender’s understanding of what it means to be a law abiding citizen.
    It is not the case that America doesn’t have enough funding to make these changes. A 2012 report by the Vera Institute of Justice calculated that the U.S. government spends $80 billion on incarceration annually. Other countries around the world, especially those in the Nordic region are experiencing low recidivism rates through a more humane approach to in their prisons. The focus is on rehabilitation and less on punishment. America has the resources and the capacity to make changes to our criminal justice system, but obstacles such as privatized prisons, and a general ill-will toward criminal offenders prevent these changes from taking place.

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  36. c) My dream is for a re-conception of our criminal justice system and why we punish the way we do. I believe this re-imagination should center on the concept of restorative justice. Restorative justice is an approach to justice that focuses on the victims of crimes and the relationships that are harmed when a crime is committed. Rather than focusing on the retribution of the offender, it focus on the restoration of broken relationships and healing through transformation.
    As a global social-worker, I believe that one of the main problems facing the acceptance of this concept is the social perception that people who commit crimes should be punished and forced to suffer in order to learn their lesson. There is a real lack of humanity offered to criminals in our current justice system. This may help to explain why there are so many repeat offenders. If they are shown no humanity inside a prison, why would they show humanity and compassion after they get out of prison? Another problem facing the social worker is the lack of governmental and political backing for restorative justice practices. Judges and prosecutors are apprehensive about associating themselves with restorative justice because they don’t want to seem “soft on crime”.
    Kimberly Cook and Chris Powell describe (I had to jump ahead in our readings) four key concepts of restorative justice: accountability, apology, voice, and reconciliation. The offender must be held accountable for their actions and be given a chance to apologize to any victims of affected persons. Additionally, victims must be given a voice in deciding the outcome of the offender and be given the opportunity to reconcile with the perpetrator. As we read in David Bargal’s paper on reconciliation and transformation encounters with Israeli and Palestinian youth, “…reconciliation as a mechanism for building peace and as a stabilizing force promotes harmony and normalization of relations between former adversaries…” Reconciliation as a form of peace building is an organic and effective way to recover from trauma and violence and move forward towards peace.
    My first task as a global social worker trying to promote restorative justice would be to study the countries where it is already at work and successful. Countries like Australia and New Zealand are at the forefront of the restorative justice field. They have implemented systems like government funded restorative justice programs for youth that has proved to be highly effective. Secondly, I would have to begin to educate current law makers, judges, and lawyers about the principles of restorative justice and where it can be effective. I am not proposing that we scrap the entire justice system all together, but I do think there are certain areas where we can utilize restorative justice practices to help alleviate some of the problems our country faces regarding recidivism and youth incarceration.


    Christian Henrichson and Ruth Delaney, The Price of Prisons: What Incarceration Costs Taxpayers. New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2012.
    Cook, K. and Powell, Chris. (2003). Unfinished business: Aboriginal reconciliation and restorative justice in Australia. Contemporary Justice Review, 6, 2779-291.
    Cooper, Alexia, Matthew Durose, and Howard Snyder. "Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) - Recidivism of Prisoners Released in 30 States in 2005: Patterns from 2005 to 2010." Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) - Recidivism of Prisoners Released in 30 States in 2005: Patterns from 2005 to 2010. Bureau of Justice Statistics, 22 Apr. 2014. Web. 18 Mar. 2016.

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  37. A) Structural violence theorists define violence as “the avoidable disparity between the potential ability to fulfill basic needs and their actual fulfillment. The theory further locates the unequal share of power to decide over the distribution of resources as the pivotal causal factor of these avoidable structural inequalities. Recognizing that structural causes are responsible for constrained agency is pivotal in making the transition from structural violence to structural violations of human rights” (Ho, 2007). Thus what can be marketed as a natural, neutral and unchangeable structure, if it creates underclasses of people with neither voice nor agency, it is essentially violent. A structure which mutes and constrains the rights of certain segments of its population has little deterrent in violating those natural rights, resulting in all manner of death, disease, and destruction.

    B) Democratically elected Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz was ousted from power by a CIA organized coup in 1954 (Bitter Fruit). Arbenz had attempted to address structural violence through land reform which would have allowed the poorest Guatemalans to have access to means of survival. The U.S. based United Fruit Company owned the lion’s share of Guatemala’s most fertile land, and felt this reform was bad for their business. Major shareholders of the “United Fruit Company” at that time included John Foster Dulles, and his brother Allen, who also happened to be the US Secretary of State, and CIA Director, respectively. Personal interests were mixed with national interests, behind the façade of forestalling the spread of communism. Structural violence was coupled with structural violations of basic human rights, which ultimately evoked a violent uprising in an attempt to radically transform the unjust structures. Guerilla armies organized, and a 36-year bloody civil war ensued which left over 200,000 dead, and over 400 villages decimated (REHMI, 1998). The very concentration of wealth in the hands of a handful of Guatemalan families, coupled with the suffocating interests of multi-national corporations, based in the US, were the root causes for this human disaster.

    In the wake of the 1996 signing of peace accords, the Guatemala City Archdiocesan Office of Human Rights launched an investigation in the spirit of the Truth and Reconcilation Commission model of South Africa. Thousands of interviews were conducted which allowed victims to break their silence and speak the truth of their experiences, including the naming of perpetrators. When the results were released two years later in “Guatemala Nunca Mas” (Guatemala Never Again) they indicated that the government/military/oligarchy were responsible for 93% of the atrocities. Two days later the body of Bishop Juan Gerardi, who had overseen the study, was found brutally murdered in front of his residence, his face smashed in by bricks to the point of being unrecognizable (GHRC, n.d.). The message was clear: the same powers that were behind the initial structural violence had no interest in changing the status quo, and anyone who threatened their stranglehold on power could expect a similar fate as that of Bishop Gerardi.

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  38. C) A globally informed social worker, in the case of Guatemala, could seek to catalyze (what Grodofsky calls) “positive peace”. While governments can end conflict and promote peace (as in the signing of the peace accords in Guatemala), they cannot “deliver the goods of peace” this requires “networks of interdependent persons” (Grodofsky, 2007). Grodofsky defines positive peace as “the creation of a reality characterized by social justice, political participation, ecological balance and economic equity” (Grodofsky, 2007). In addition to ‘networks of interdependent persons’, two other elements are critical to such successful peace building: 1) Promoting human development, with a group and individual human rights perspective. 2) Reducing inequality (Grodofsky, 2007).

    In the case of Guatemala, President Alvaro Arzu (who oversaw the signing of the peace accords in 1996) immediately and covertly began to privatize any and all institutions he could and to sell off mining rights wholesale to international mining companies. Far from advancing the cause of ‘social justice, political participation, ecological balance, and economic equity’, he paved the way for a more enshrined structural violence which continues to plague Guatemala to this day (Bull, 2005). The signing of the DR-CAFTA free trade agreement in 2006 only exacerbated the problem, essentially opening the borders for unrestrained foreign interests to dominate the economy, creating more poverty, violence, and migration (CISPES, 2016). This, despite the ungrounded claims of the US Trade Representative website: “The CAFTA-DR promotes stronger trade and investment ties, prosperity, and stability throughout the region and along our Southern border” (USTR, n.d.).

    The challenges for a global social worker are significant. Guatemala ranks 128 out of 188 countries on the UN Human Development Index, and has the second highest Human Inequality Coefficient in all of Latin America and the Caribbean (HDR, 2015). These are two of the three principal areas of focus for positive peace building. Nonetheless, this past year has been one of hope for Guatemala. In April 2015 in the wake of the public revelation of a massive financial scandal involving government officials at the very top levels, Guatemalans of all social classes and ethnic backgrounds took to the streets in an unprecedented sustained nonviolent protest that would last for several months. Ultimately the civic pressure forced the resignation of both President and Vice President, who were arrested for their involvement in the scandal, and are currently in jail. It also brought totally unexpected results in the elections in the fall.

    This civic movement sparks hope for the beginnings of a shift towards universal social entitlements and the empowerment of marginalized populations. A global social worker would be wise to spend time with the members of these movements so as to learn from them, and help catalyze and unify efforts toward the greater common good, bringing to bear the best practices and experiences from other contexts and nations. Research into the most effective approaches for restoring economic equality, and promoting human development in the Guatemalan context would be a must. Yet, it is not without risk, in a country like Guatemala, that one pursues the promotion of human rights. A global social worker must take a sober look at the number of human and ecological rights advocates who have been killed in Guatemala, before rushing into dangerous situations. Nonetheless there is a contagious and inspiring spirit to Guatemalans, and this is an exciting moment in history for a global social worker to enter the scene, and work creatively and collaboratively toward the transformation of structural violence and a positive peace that endures.

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