3) a) define structural violence using our readings
and also an excellent summary of Farmer and Sen's views on this by Kathleen Ho:
http://projects.essex.ac.uk/ehrr/V4N2/ho.pdf.
b) give an example of structural violence in your
country (supported by data)
c) present your dream of what a globally-informed social worker could
do about that example (remember to use the readings).
Nicole Weinstein
ReplyDeleteStructural violence results from “inequalities that systematically deny some people their basic human needs” based on regular human social “structures” that have become entrenched in our lives (Ho, 2007). The “structures” can be material manifestations such as roads and buildings, or intangible such as social relations or economic policies. The “violence” takes the form of suffering or injustice that is embedded in the way the world is; the causes are not apparent to the relationship of injustices because the violence is weaved through the structure of society. The subtle nature of structural violence causes us to look at “large-scale social structures” such as differences of power, wealth, privilege, and health (Farmer & Castro, 2005). Structural violence encourages an attitude of moral outrage and critical engagement to actively break systematic inequalities.
To provide an example of structural violence, it is important to identify criteria to assist in distinguishing and analyzing structural inequalities in the United States. Based on information from Weigert (2005) and Ho (2007), structural violence is 1) the avoidable impairment of fundamental human needs 2) caused by an indirect source and 3) created and maintained by those in power. An example that comes to mind is the United States education system. While the United States is one of the wealthiest nations, education standards fall far below many developed and developing countries. Urban public schools cannot seem to meet education standards and students are receiving lower test scores and high dropout rates (Duncan & Murnane, 2011). Like many large cities such as Chicago, surrounding suburbs have wealthier and better schools. The indirect source causing the issues is poverty. The growing gap between rich and poor signifies inequality in educational outcomes, as low-income families are concentrated in the same areas, so too are the children concentrated in the same schools. However, those in power are the wealthy families that can afford to pay for better education in the suburbs or private schools. Many public schools in Chicago have been closed due to the economic burden the city is facing. Now students must be crammed into more schools, reducing children’s capacity and potential for success.
A globally-informed social worker would involve someone who both works within the education system and fights to restructure the system. Both goals can be attained through service, volunteerism, and advocacy. Creating more talks to discuss the distribution of resources to the urban public schools such as Chicago would be a way to restructure the system. Working within the system by addressing issues students face within school would help prevent outcomes such as dropouts.
(A) Structural violence is a form of violence that limits a person from meeting their basic needs: it strips away their human rights resulting in absolute poverty. According to Johan Galtung, structural violence is the “avoidable impairment of human life which lowers the actual degree to which someone is able to meet their needs, below that which would otherwise be possible” (Ho 2007). Structural violence can be defined as when a person is living in absolute poverty.
ReplyDeleteAn excellent summary of structural violence is when the structure of a country or a system within a country has inequalities embedded in it, which systematically denies people of their basic human rights. An example from the Castro & farmer article is the stigma attached to those with AIDS. It illustrates how the stigma and discrimination attached to AIDS can be a barrier to service that someone with Aids might seek. The Ho articles use the examples of starving children, diseased bodies, and desperate poverty as a way to show structural violence. Food, clothing and health care services are basic human right, when they are not accessible by citizen results in a clear violation of human rights. Therefore the violations of human right come from the structure of the system of a country.
(B) Poverty has risen in Nigeria, with almost 100 million people living on less than a $1(£0.63) a day, despite economic growth, statistics have shown. The National Bureau of Statistics said 60.9% of Nigerians in 2010 were living in "absolute poverty". This figure had risen from 54.7% in 2004. According to the World Bank report, absolute poverty is measured by the number of people who can afford only the bare essentials of shelter, food and clothing (World Bank data, 2004). Poverty exacerbates health issues. Under conditions of poverty is the major key to structural violence. No access to basic human right is an example of structural violence in Nigeria. Nigeria lags behind the rest of the world on many health indices. For instance, health care systems are still neither available nor accessible (when and if available) to a great many people in Nigeria; infrastructural decay is common in the available health care systems; non-communicable diseases (such as cardiovascular diseases, cancer, diabetes and chronic lung diseases) are still major threats to Nigerians between the ages of 30 and above; hundreds of children under the age of 5 die from malnutrition, diarrhea, measles, respiratory diseases and mostly preventable diseases, each year. It is on records that millions of people die of infectious diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, pneumonia, diarrhea, tuberculosis and malaria annually. There was a paradox at the heart of Nigeria as the economy was going from strength to strength, mainly because of oil production - yet Nigerians were getting poorer. Nigeria is Africa's biggest oil producer but the sector has been tainted by accusations of corruption. Despite the fact that the Nigerian economy is growing, the proportion of Nigerians living in poverty is increasing every year, although it declined between 1985 and 1992, and between 1996 and 2004. However, despite being the 3rd biggest economy in Africa, Nigeria ranks around 160th out of 177 countries on the scale of the Human Development index (HDI).
(C) A nation where political corruption is the key factor that led to poverty. The government must have enough money to solve a huge part of poverty in Nigeria on its own. If corruption were overcome, money could finally go to the country’s infrastructure; hospital, running water, and education system, etc, corruption remains the main cause of systematic waste of the country’s resources and therefore this main the cause of poverty in Nigeria. On the bright side; A globally informed social worker can only attack the issue by advocating for the people's right, providing access to banking and micro-credit services to help local farmers invest in agriculture, lending money to citizens to engage in entrepreneurship due to unemployment as well designing a poverty reduction programmes such that will educate all the people and also creating awareness to stop political corruption.
ReplyDeletea) Structural violence can be seen as a form of violence that can stem from social structure. Weigert sees structural violence as, “preventable harm or damage to persons where there is no actor committing the violence.” Weigert continues on to state that, “such violence emerges from an unequal distribution of power and resources or, in other words, and it is said to be built intro structure.” Weigert suggests that concept of structural violence was introduced by Johan Galtung in 1969. Galtung sees violence as “present when human beings are being influenced so that their actual somatic and mental realizations are below their potential realizations” (Weigert, 2008). One example that Galtung suggested is that if “one husband beats his wife there is a clear case of personal violence, but when one million husbands keep one million wives in ignorance there is structural violence” (Weigert, 2008).
ReplyDeleteIn the Ho article, Farmer also asserts that structural violence is an unequal distribution of power. Farmer states that the unequal distribution of power creates disadvantages to those who do not hold any power. This leads to structural violence being built into economic and social realms of life. Also in the Ho article, Sen sees structural violence in terms of poverty. Sen says that poverty is a systematic denial of basic freedoms. This also translates as denying people of one basic freedom can lead to denial of other basic freedoms, and the cycle continues.
b) Ho suggests Hurricane Katrina as an example of structural violence in the United States. She stated that, “poor African-American women are disproportionately at risk of HIV/AIDS infection and death and also disproportionately suffered from rape, murder, and starvation in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina.” Ho contends that racial inequality combined with poverty is, as witnessed after Hurricane Katrina, examples of structural violence.
Lowe, Lustig, and Marrow (2011) suggested that African-Americans impacted by Hurricane Katrina were more likely than whites to suffer from unemployment, psychological distress, and general life disruption. What is the reasoning behind this and what can be done to change this? Helmuth and Henrici (2010) make the point that single mothers were severely impacted by Hurricane Katrina and that the female African American population has reduced from 47.3% to 37.3% still living in the New Orleans metropolitan area. Helmuth and Henrici suggest African American women and children did not return to their homes and started new in other cities. This is a whole different form of structural violence, but it goes to show that it can take on many forms.
These examples of structural violence need to be evaluated and solved, as there is no reason for this. A lot of things went wrong after Hurricane Katrina, but it goes to show that even in a highly developed country with many resources, the system can fail its people. The structured government in the United States has failed its people and it needs to be addressed.
c) As previously mentioned, many things went wrong in the wake of Hurricane Katrina. The problem with structural violence is that it can be deeply imbedded. Although many people want to help and do the right thing, other obstacles can get in the way. For example, in the case of Hurricane Katrina, there were political mistakes that were made because there was confusion between local, state, and federal authorities. My dream for my future in social work does not consist of being at the policy level of things. There are many good social workers in our program and throughout the world, where they will be successful in policy, but it is not for me.
ReplyDeleteI do want to be a good liaison between the powers that be and the people. I think this role is very important to me and my dream is to be a positive advocate for the right thing to do. If I were an advocate during Hurricane Katrina, I would have made sure to do my part and prioritize the needs of the people. However, at the large scale of people involved, it really does take a group effort.
Weigert suggests that a key solution to structural violence is linked between justice and peace. Weigert (2008) also states “developing skills of imagination and of working to construct cultures of peace and new identities,” is another form of social change (p. 2011). This is how I see working towards eliminating structural violence as evidenced by racial inequalities, poverty, and sexism, after Hurricane Katrina. This also reminds me of the Torres article about Vieques, Puerto Rico. The people came together in a peaceful manner and requested what they wanted.
We cannot change the past, but we can certainly learn from it. My hope that as a globally informed social worker, I will be able to advocate for what is the right thing to do. At the same time I also want to be realistic. There are some things too large to change such as culture and some government policies, but at the end of the day, I hope to advocate for human rights for the betterment of the human race.
Inga Žalnerauskienė. I completely agree with Courtney. I think in Lithuania and in many other countries, laws have been written and looks not bad, but life often at odds with reality. Therefore, social workers should pursue to ensure compliance Convention on Human Rights in all countries that human rights are not violated.
Deletea) Ho (2007) describes structural violence as structures that result in unequal distribution of resources which “creates conditions where the actual ability to meet one’s fundamental human needs are obstructed” (p. 7). Similarly, Maas Weigert (2008) describes structural violence as the unequal distribution of power and resources which results in preventable harm or damage to individuals. Castro and Farmer’s (2005) discussion of how logistic and economic barriers prevented HIV-positive individuals in rural Haiti from seeking appropriate services demonstrates structural violence in action - structural barriers prevented individuals from meeting their basic healthcare needs and reinforced their diminished power and resources.
ReplyDeleteb) In Chicago, gentrification is an example of structural violence. Gentrification is defined as “the process of renewal and rebuilding accompanying the influx of middle-class or affluent people into deteriorating areas that often displaces poorer residents” (Merriam-Webster, n.d.). More simply, gentrification occurs when individuals from medium or high socioeconomic status move into lower income neighborhoods; as more and more new developments are built, more higher income individuals move into the neighborhoods; property taxes and rent prices increase; and the original residents are forced to move to a different, more affordable neighborhood. This displacement creates logistical and economic barriers (Castro & Farmer, 2005): individuals may be forced to move farther away from their jobs making it more difficult to get to work and earn money, and increasing the difficulty of providing for oneself or one’s family.
Gentrification is a polarizing and contentious topic with support both in favor and against. It is especially polarizing and contentious in neighborhoods such as Uptown, Albany Park, Humboldt Park, Pilsen, and many more which are in varying stages of gentrification. This issue symbolizes structural violence in part through the unequal distribution of resources and power. Often, displaced residents belong to an ethnic minority while new residents are White, higher income individuals. Additionally, being displaced from one’s home obstructs the ability to meet one’s human needs, including employment and the disruption of culture within the neighborhood. This unequal distribution results in harm or damage to individuals, which could have been prevented by continuing to ensure affordable housing options within the neighborhood.
c) Community organizing efforts have been effective at mobilizing residents to oppose gentrification efforts. Uptown residents have been fending off gentrification efforts since World War II as politicians and community leaders have attempted to “revitalize” Uptown (Bennett, 1991; Bennett, 1993; Betancur, 2009). Leading community organizing is one way social workers can get involved to combat gentrification. Another way is to advocate for the implementation of policies that support residents staying in their neighborhoods. Perhaps residents who have lived in a neighborhood for a certain number of years could receive a tax incentive or credit to support staying in the neighborhood.
The Grameen Bank is an inspiring example of a way to mobilize and empower women to address poverty in India (Tyson, 2015). Perhaps community organizers could hold free financial planning sessions for community residents to help manage and possibly increase their household incomes, making it possible to afford to stay in their homes and also providing long-term benefits. Chicago area housing nonprofits could assist community residents in sponsoring their own “revitalization” efforts, involving cultural and/or community-building events to mobilize residents to oppose gentrification efforts, similar to the Vieques example (Torres, 2005). In terms of intervening during the midst of gentrification, social workers could work to cultivate peace within neighborhoods to decrease conflict and animosity within neighborhoods (Weigert, 2008).
Thank you for bringing the issue of gentrification from the perspective of structural violence. According to Weigert’s (2014) definition the indirect violence is built into the structure and shows up as unequal power and consequently as unequal life chances. This form of structural violence hurts people as badly as an actual gunshot but without chances to trace the concrete person, the actor of the violence. There may not be any person who directly harms another person in the structure. The side-effect of gentrification, is particularly noticeable in Chicago’s south side, where highly prestigious University of Chicago is located. The University keeps on expanding which leads to the increase of the rent prices, and as you said, the original residents are forced to move to a different, more affordable neighborhood. In my opinion, gentrification is one of the worst and most harmful forms of the structural violence that hurts the most vulnerable ones. I liked your ideas of tax incentive to support the original residents staying in the neighborhood. I also think that the structural violence has to be addressed on the macro level, through rationally implemented social protections. Unemployment of the racial minorities is another aspect of the structural violence that tightly correlates with the issue of gentrification. American large businesses plant huge factories and other enterprises all around the world, basically providing employment for the half of the globe, and ensuring large profits by cheap workforce available abroad. However, these businesses fail to provide employment to the people of their own country that leads to the unequal distribution of the wealth. If the government could negotiate with the private businesses, encouraging them to build factories within the country, this would provide American citizens with employment, reduce poverty and crime that ultimately would promote social justice and equality.
Delete3A.) Structural violence is one of three types of violence including personal and cultural (Ho, 2007). Structural violence occurs when the policies implemented by governments or institutions result in the denial or suppression of the full expression of the rights of an individual or group. I would also argue that structural violence is the mechanism through which the power structure and hierarchy of social order are maintained. According to Galtung (Ho, 2007; Mass Weigert, 2005) this type of violence leads to the unrealized potential of individuals and communities.
ReplyDeleteb) While there are certainly many examples from which to choose in the US I think the issue of food insecurity and hunger are often ignored yet prominent challenges. Using a relativist approach it is possible to see why hunger and poverty in the US are not frequently addressed. The very existence of these problems challenges some of the core American values of hard work ethic and “pulling yourself up by the bootstrap”. According to the USDA food insecurity is defined as being “uncertain of having, or unable to acquire, enough food to meet the needs of all their members because they had insufficient money or other resources for food.” According to their statistics food insecurity disproportionately affects single mothers and children, minority households and low income homes. In 2013 over 10 million homes were assessed to have low food security and an additional 6.8 million had very low food security (USDA, 2013).
c) As a globally oriented social worker one of my first questions would be to ask researchers if research was conducted using only a sample of US citizens. Although not specified in other readings the exclusion of certain groups from data collection is also a form of structural violence (Ho, 2007). The exclusion of a group from research and evaluation may also lead to the exclusion of immigrant families and individuals from accessing needed programs and assistance (Hare, 2004). As we have discussed in class immigration is a global issue and whether people hold legal status or not they are still faced with many of the same problems as other citizens. In addition to challenging the exclusion of undocumented immigrants in research I would also be curious to know how others’ immigration experiences impact family food security. Are families at a greater risk during their first 5 years in the US and then security is able to be maintained or is it a chronic problem afflicting immigrant families?
After addressing some of these larger systemic issues I would reach out to communities that host large immigrant populations and assess their needs. Is the issue that no food is available or is the problem that traditional foods are not available? Per class discussion it seems that for many people moving to a new country the loss of their culture and daily food may impact their adjustment to their new environment. For families in the US who are not able to receive food assistance I would look at partnering with other community groups and perhaps look at building a food co-op that could serve as a launching point for work experience for recent immigrant families. I would also want to look at the impact of language barriers in the application process for TANF and other assistance programs. Are written materials available in other languages? Is an interpreter available to assist people in the application process?
I believe that we have the ability to eliminate hunger not only in the US but across the globe. Technology and resources exist and yet we choose not utilize them in order to better the living quality of our fellow men and women. Despite our ability to fix this problem people continue to be denied a basic right to food and water. We choose not to share our wealth of resources and make a determination of who is worthy of help and that is why I see food security as a prime example of structural violence in today’s world.
http://www.ers.usda.gov/topics/food-nutrition-assistance/food-security-in-the-us/key-statistics-graphics.aspx
ReplyDeleteThis comment has been removed by the author.
ReplyDeletea) Structural violence can be defined as „structural inequalities that systematically deny some individuals of basic human needs and human rights“ (Ho, 2007, p. 1). According to Johan Galtung, he was the first person who talked about structural violence and defined as „avoidable impairment of fundamental human needs or, to put it in more general terms, the impairment of human life, which lowers the actual degree to which someone is able to meet their needs below that which would otherwise be possible“ (Ho, 2007, p. 3). According to Weigert „structural violence (also called indirect violence and, sometimes, institutionalized violence) is differentiated from personal violence (also called direct or behavioural) and refers to preventable harm or damage to persons (and by extension to things) where there is no actor committing the violence or where it is not practical to search for the actor(s); such violence emerges from the unequal distribution of power and resources or, in other words, is said to be built into the structure(s).“ (Weigert, 2008, p. 2005). So, structural violence injustice and exploitation including economic, political, and social factors. Also, structural violence is often invisible and usually does not have a person or individual who is responsible.
ReplyDeleteb) In response to this question, I would like to share my personal experience of structural violence. When I became sick I decided to visit a health care facility. I could not get a consultation with an expert for this illness, because of the large queues. It was for this reason I got my first treatment from my family doctor, who used the wrong methods of treatment and my health increasingly deteriorated. Because of my bad financial situation I was not able to apply for private treatment. My health day by day getting worse and my family doctor told me that she could do anything for me.
I had to wait for two months to get treatment from a specialist. During that time, my health was in a critical condition. In the treatment process I had to pay for expensive medical tests. Also, during treatment, I had to use medication which is not included in the list of reimbursable drugs. From my personal experience I can say, that especially for elderly people, who cannot afford to pay for expensive medical tests or drugs, stop all treatment.
c) According to Castro (2005), people are suffering from disease, because they cannot buy drugs. We can say that this is the main issue. This seems to be the situation in proposition we can compare with Lithuania.
My dream would be to hold an international summer school for social workers, whose main idea would be to follow the four dimensions of Healey’s (2008): advocacy, professional exchange, international practice, and international policy development. The aim of this summer school would be to promote international cooperation in order to share good experiences in health care. I think that the global social worker should be an intermediary between the client, health care institutions and government. The social worker should assist and advocate their clients, also to help their clients to understand the problems and find ways how to resolve them. The social worker should encourage community participation with these problems in the health care system.
Thank you for sharing your experience. It gives a face to the issue of accessible healthcare in your country. I also really love your solution. What a great vision, to hold a school for social workers to teach them international advocacy and international policy skills. I think if we want this world to change in the way we as social workers want to see it change, we need to be invested in policy change and advocacy. Too many feel their voice will not be heard, and so don't advocate. However, if there were a camp, where social workers would physically see the number of people that would advocate with them, they would be more likely to do so and it would be more likely to make an impact. Inspiring too, to meet social workers from all over the world like we do in this class. Thank you! I would go to your camp!
DeleteRachel Reed
Hi Rachel,
DeleteThank you for your review. I wish that I will have a chance to organise this summer school for social workers. :)
a) Structural violence is injustice and exploitation, woven into the social, political and economic system in which people have unequal economic opportunities: some charging wealth, while the others are poor. Paul Farmer says, „human rights can and should be declared universal, but the risk of having one’s rights violated is not universal“. This observation is at the heart of structural violations of human rights. There are systemic and structural causes that place some populations at a greater risk of human rights violations than others. This inequality in risk can be traced to uneven distributions of power. This central tenet of structural violence reveals the pattern of human rights violations that manifest themselves as economic and social inequalities. When economic and social structures conspire to limit one’s agency to the extent that fundamental human needs cannot be met then structural violence becomes a structural violation of human rights (Ho, 2007). In other words, the structural violence occurs when basic human needs are not met.
ReplyDeleteb) Lithuania has a children's Preventive Immunisation Schedule, which is advised to follow in order to protect children from dangerous and infectious diseases. At present, in Lithuania, unlike in some other countries, parents can choose whether or not to vaccinate children, so some parents, regardless of doctors‘ concerns that this may lead to the spread of these diseases now neglect vaccination, because of possible negative side effects on health. However, in 2014 Lithuanian Ministry of Health issued order, which proposes not to accept pre-school children if they do not have appropriate vaccinations. At present, a child is accepted to the institution according to Child Health Certificate. Under the new regulations, if the certificate states that the child is not given prophylactic vaccination, according to the schedule, such a child will not be accepted to the insitution. In my opinion, this project has restricted the right to freedom of opinion and choice of parents to vaccinate their children or not. After all, each of us has the right to have opinions and to express them. To impose sanctions on children for what decisions are made by the parents, legal and moral point of view is not justified. The child should enjoy a full and decent life, in conditions which ensure dignity and develop the self-confidence to actively participate in community activities.
c) The first thing to disseminate information to the public, of course, paying attention to the adverse effects of vaccination. And also there is no shortage of them, it is not just black and white. Open discussion of the problematic aspects of the vaccine is very helpful. It is important to disseminate independent (from pharmacists) information for parents on this important problem. Each person's right to freely choose health care, without damaging person‘s dignity and meeting basic needs must be taken into account. This process has to involve social workers who work impartially to ensure that there is no damage of the parents‘ and the child's right to free choice.
Zala Košak
ReplyDeletea.) »Structural violence« was first mentioned by professor Johan Galtung in one of his work called »Violence, Peace and Peace Reasearch«. When some social structure or social institution harms people by preventing them from meeting their basic needs we talk about structural violence. It is also defined as the avoidable disparity between the potential ability to fulfill basic needs and their actual fulfillment. As I understand structural violence is product of social and economic injustice which means a reduced level of satisfaction human needs and quality of life of marginalized groups. Kathleen Ho talks about examples of starving children, diseased bodies and some other to illustrate the examples of structural violence. When violations of human rights come from the structure of the system of a country we can easily speak about structural violence, and as an example I would mention some basic needs (food, clothing, health care services) which are not always accessible even though they should be. »Institucionalized elitism, ethnocentrism, classis, racism, sexism, adultism, nationalism, heterosexism and ageism are some examples of structural violence as proposed by Galtung.«
b.) As an example of structural violence in Slovenia I would mention structural violence in schools which is mainly caused by predjudices and stereotypes. At that point it would be correct to mention that we have a lot of minority groups (imigrants from ex Yugoslavia countries, Roma people,…) One of the ways where we can recognize structural violence is hate speech in relation to racial, ethnic, sexual, religious, national and physical origins of the minority group (Leskošek, 2005). When defining violence in school, Rigby (2008) confined to a peer violence, namely the recognition of psychological or emotional abuse among their peers, verball, hysically, socially, racially motivated, sexually and internet bullying. Poppova (2003) mentions also threats of physical violence and vandalism and school deviance (skipping classes, violation of school rules, lying…)
c.) First of all I would organize workshops for children and also parents to inform them about those kind of problems. Because most of the parents know about this problem, but they don't think or know that their child is being bullied somehow. As an good example of practice I would mention Dutch campaign against violence in schools, which was defined as crossing the line between »yes« and »no«. Main idea was everybody can do what he wants, as long as this does not interfere harasses, threatens or hurting others. Without permission crossing the line between Yes and No is an act of violence. But on the other hand social workers tried a lot of things in advance to solve this huge problem and they failed, which proves how complex problem it is.
Hi Zala,
DeleteI agree with your insight of this situation. I think we have to work not only with children. We should work with all community, for example, with families, teachers at school and etc. Sure its hard and it will take time, but in my opinion we have to work with all the community to rip out it with a roots.
a) Structural violence (also called indirect violence and, sometimes, institutionalized violence) is differentiated from personal violence (also called direct or behavioral) and refers to preventable harm or damage to persons (and by extension to things) where there is no actor committing the violence or where it is not practical to search for the actor(s); such violence emerges from the unequal distribution of power and resources or, in other words, is said to be built into the structure(s) (Maas Weigert K., 2008).
ReplyDeleteb) There are about 4 thousands children in Lithuania, who live in foster homes, which accounts for 38% of all children deprived of parental care. About six hundred disabled children and young people and about six thousand adults with intellectual or mental disabilities live in care institutions. Many of them could live in the community with the necessary social assistance.
Institutional care institutions in Europe emerged as the state's response to social problems - before children's home was seen as the only way for children without care to survive, but since that time many things have changed. Central and Eastern Europe has the world's largest number of child care institutions. For example, in Africa the majority of children in institutions are orphans, and in Central and Eastern Europe only 4% of the institutionalized children are real orphans – the rest have at least one of the parents.
Several decades ago many Western European countries completely or partially annulled care institutions. Lithuania, like other Soviet and communist camp party, still have baby and child care institutions.
In order to solve this problem reform should be carried out in Lithuania, during which the number of child care institutions should be gradually reduced. State should support social services to families, social workers and child protection professionals should be able to provide parents professional, ethical assistance in developing parenting skills, self-confidence, responsibility for themselves and their children.
If, despite the efforts of professionals, parents are unable or unwilling to properly care for their child, the child must be referred to family caregivers. The child's placement in the body should be the last resort, applied only as a temporary care, and only when the child needs intensive medical or health care. When there is no longer need for such care, the child should be returned as soon as possible to their parents or guardians.
In my work practice, I personally had to deal with this problem, when a child has been taken from the family and placed in an orphanage. Then the Child Rights Protection Division specialists said that child will be in care institution only for the weekend, and then they will look for the child's relatives or loved ones, where he will be able to temporarily live (that had to be done first because the boy had sister!). Unfortunately, the Children's Rights Division specialists did not follow the promises and the boy remained in the care for almost a year. Later, the boy’s sister took care of him.
In 1995 Lithuania ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which requires to ensure survival and development for the child. Also in 2010, Lithuania ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol, and recognized the right of every disabled person to live in the community. These international commitments pledged Lithuania to ensure a dignified life for these people. It is therefore necessary to take concrete steps to create a sustainable community-based service system to ensure each person's individual needs and services of participation in community life.
In 2014, the transition from institutional care to family and community-based services to the disabled and deprived of parental care for children during the 2014-2020 Action Plan was finally approved. It aims to create complex and individualized services in the community system.
Rasa, it's clear to me how passionate you are about foster children and I appreciate your thoughtfulness and enthusiasm in this entry. I have also worked with foster youth and know how frustrating "the system" can be--particularly in your example of the boy who should have been placed in institutionalized care for only one weekend, yet was left living there for a year. When you stated that the child's institutionalization "...should be the last resort, applied only as a temporary care, and only when the child needs intensive medical or health care. When there is no longer need for such care, the child should be returned as soon as possible to their parents or guardians", it deeply resonated with my own experience of the shortcomings of the foster care system in the United States. I agree with you regarding the slow decrease in child care institutions, and concurrent increase in support services for families. Unfortunately, the issue is incredibly complex and much more intensive services need to be provided, which entails much more financial backing for quality intensive care workers. I wonder if in Lithuania, like in the United States, child welfare workers are known to be the most common to "burn out" quickly because of the frustration of the job? It is hopeful to hear that Lithuania signed the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and that an Action Plan has been approved! These actions can certainly be an example for the United States.
DeleteThis comment has been removed by the author.
DeleteHello Paige,
DeleteI hope very much that the system will change and a social worker will have more powers in similar cases in the future.
Thank you, that you found the time to read.
c) To seek to involve a social worker to find a possible guardian for children. Social worker, should constantly contact the family and its environment, manage information that may be helpful, especially in terms of care (a few days) during a family crisis situations. Comprehensive family support organization recently occupied more and more significant place. Complex regulation of assistance include those specialists whose assistance is necessary for the whole family should be a desirable phenomenon of family support system design. One way is to involve community members and customers in joint activities, thus strengthening the social worker's role in the community (Mockaityte Cicilioniene M., 2014 p. 69).
ReplyDeletea.) The concept of structural violence is relatively poorly understood phenomenon, despite the undeniable negative impact which has on modern society. . In arcticle of Kathleen Ho there is written that structural violence theorists define structural violence as the avoidable disparity between the potential ability to fulfill basic needs and their actual fulfillment. Structural violence is invisible, indirect, covert violence. It goes for violence, that its caused by institutions. They are forcing, taking freedom of choice, marginalizing, discriminating.
ReplyDeleteb.) I would like to mention violence against older people in Slovenia. Violence against older people is a big social issue, that affects area of interpersonal violence in family relationships and violence in institutional care, where older people live as well as the problem of structural violence against the elderly in society. Due to unequal opportunities, social exclusion, dependence of someone else because of their powerlessness, disease, exhaustion, material dependence or poverty and because they don’t have that much power in society they are sadly a good example of structural violence. Crimes against elderly, according to the Slovenian police force are about 5000 per year and the number is annually increasing by about 300. (www.policija.si) The proportion of older people in the social structure increases, that is why we are dealing with various forms of violence against elder. It occurs within family relationships as well by institutions. Older people are confronted with violence in nursing homes and hospitals. Perpetrators can be relatives, employees of the institution (nursing staff or roomates). The most common forms of violence against elderly are lack of care, physical abuse (slapping, pushing, beating them), psychological or emotional abuse (verbal abuse, humiliation, insults, threats, locking them in rooms, they are not allowed to be in contact with other people), financial or material abuse (stealing money from them, stealing money from credit cards, forgery signature of the elderly, they are forced to sign wills,..) Older people are faced with these problems because violence often happens at home where older people live and no one wants to report abuse, many older people are also poorly informed about the possibilities of help in case of violence, lots of older people are isolated from others, they are feeling ashamed of what is happening to them, they are humiliated, they don’t want to speat about abusing. But it is also very difficult to solve this problem of elder people, because of the social tolerance towards this type of violence and reduced access to aid.
c.) Violence is often behind the four walls, because elderly often do not even want that someone would knew about what is happening to them. In my opinion we should more promote non-violence, also that the perpetrators would be more aware of their actions and behaviours. As a future social worker I would like to help in this issue by raising awareness to older people, about who to contact in case of violence, I would visit them at home,..
By Vesna Husić
DeleteFrancesca Scalise has some technical issues that's why I will upload her answers.
ReplyDeletea) Structural violence refers to a dimension of violence occurring in the organization and functioning of a socio-economic and political system which establishes degradating conditions as normal, such as poverty, misery, strong inequality in income distribution, an extremely deficient public health and education system and the lack of protection measures for workers. J. Galtung, to whom the term structural violence is ascribed, regards violence as an "avoidable insult to basic human needs, and more generally to life, which reduces the ability to meet such needs below the potential." The needs affected are part of the basic needs: the need for survival, well-being, identity, meaning and the need for freedom (Galtung, 1996 ). Structural violence is, together with cultural violence, one of the engines in which the cause of direct violence can be blatantly traced. Structural violence is then intended, as the name implies, as the violence inherent to the very core structure of society. It is therefore, in my opinion, a very hard type of violence to eradicate. Upon reading the article written by Kathleen regarding this issue, I would also like to emphasize the discrepancy which structural violence creates between the potential for human rights and the actual reality, in which those rights are instead denied.
b) An example of structural violence in Italy ascribes to the case of gender-based violence: violence against women. Recent statistics show how there is a fall in the number of murders committed by organized crime, while the number of femicides, which is the ultimate act of violence against women, remains stable, approximately 130 women a year. This means that nowadays in Italy violence against women already is an expected outcome, that there are mechanisms which tend to make it "normally" possible. Violence against women is truly a daily punishment for any woman who refuses to perform the role that men have decided for her; it is an act of power that equally one man and the entire society exert women, so that her behavior meets the expectations of men and society. The misconception according to which male violence against women is a matter of fact is endlessly reinforced by the system. Male violence is implicitly legitimized through statements, files, images and explanations. What lies behind this problem is the fact that subordination and stereotypes are assigned to women since childhood. (Porcu, 2014). Last year, in Italy, we addressed the issue of sexual violence in a course centered on the psychology of sexuality. I was particularly impressed by a lesson in which the teacher spoke of a type of violence which is not really perceived. This happens, for example, when a couple is unconsciously blackmailing each other to have sexual intercourse, undesired by one of the two members, for example if the husband asks the woman: "if I help you clear the table, will we have sex after?", regarding sex as a right. The example might seem trivial, perhaps, but it is not. Sexual violence is a process, and I believe these to be the first alarming signals, which unfortunately are often underestimated.
c) In Italy there are emergency policies, but unfortunately violence against women is a structural problem, systemic, historical, crossing countries, continents, cultures, religions and social classes. The modernity of the intervention, in regard to Italy, only highlights the problem. Intervening after the crimes are committed, serves little to the woman who has suffered violence. We must act using prevention, information and an adequate statal funding in favour of anti-violence centers, probably the most appropriate response to this social problem. I believe we should focus on training experts and promoting even more in women the courage to ask for help at the first sign, trying to challenge the idea, unfortunately widespread, that they are themselves the cause of that suffering.
Francesca, your post helped me to view gender violence in a different way. The example about a husband blackmailing his wife to have sex helped to illustrate the belief that men deserve to have sex with their wives and that is not a consensual act that both parties want to engage in. This example shows how covert gender violence can be, and therefore why it is so important to educate both men and women about healthy relationships and to educate women on their rights and available services and resources. I like your idea to focus on preventing violence against women instead of continuing to put money and resources towards intervention initiatives, and think that prevention programs and initiatives could help undo that systemic and historical nature of violence against women in Italy.
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ReplyDeleteStructural violence results in poverty. It’s violence that limits individuals’ ability to meet their basic needs. As Ho (2007) states, “starving children, diseased bodies, and desperate poverty.” These issues (food, health and poverty) are basic needs for survival. However, too many times are they not obtainable by society. This causes issues on both a micro and macro level.
ReplyDeleteAn issue caused by structural violence in today’s society is that of the health care system. The health care system favors those who have more money, leaving people in poverty type situations without appropriate health care. This is a widespread and major issue.
There needs to be fair and equal health care for all individuals, as millions of individuals are dying from diseases that upper class individuals are surviving. Global social workers can work to bridge the gap by making clients aware of their healthcare options, where the closest medical facilities are, and that under the Affordable Health Care Act they can receive preventive care. As explained in all of these situations, it comes down to education. Individuals in middle and lower class situations need to be educated on their options.
A) I would describe the structural violence as indirect violence when people suffer damage by reason of state institutions, environmental circumstances, influential changes in country. People do not suffer direct physical violence, but find themselves in the situation in which they became „hostage“ and unable to resist. Certainly, structural violence also can not be without conflicts: different approaches, facilities, rights, position in society and so on. I liked our article about structural violence (Kathleen Maas Weigert. Structural Violence, 2004) and there I found Galtung (1969) concept „social injustice“, which I think synonymous with structural violence. In the same Article Brock – Utne notes, that structural violence leads to a shorter life span, less fulfilling life, in my opinion, this is one of the most important damages which can be done by structural violence.
ReplyDeleteB) Lithuania has a number of examples of structural violence, but I chose the example associated with elderly people. Lithuania was in a deep economic crisis in 2009. Lithuanians were forced to „tighten their belts“ (This is a popular saying in Lithuania, it's necessary to save). Government following the decision to decrease old age pension (which was already low in comparison with other European countries). In Lithuania was a two-year period of reduced pensions account to help the country overcome the economic crisis. People went on strike, disagreed with the following state Resolution, but it was all in vain. Even more of these old people were forced to move closer to the poverty line. Elderly people lived with Governmental promises, that „borrowed“ money will be returned whenever Lithuania‘s economic situation will be better. Unfortunately, first money-back stage started in 2014 July, pension „borrowed“ money will be repaid in installments (during 2014, 2015, 2016 years). State, probably, unreasoned, that not all elderly people will survive this years. On the basis of statistics, 167 thousand pensioners received pension refund, they died before May 2014.
In my opinion, this example illustrates one of the most pressing problems in Lithuania, people are forced to get close to the poverty line, sad that the state uses the structural violence against the most vulnerable customer groups.
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ReplyDeleteC) In the example in paragraph „b“ as an example of structural violence I as a global social worker who has all the potential to act as seems best to him (of course this is only a dream), primarily try to emphasize the rights of people in decision-making in the Government. Association of Social Workers is not strong in Lithuania, so it would be necessary to establish a "block" who fight for their rights as workers, demonstrate the importance of social work. Strong Association of Social Workers to note where the resolutions adopted by the government affected vulnerable groups. Global social worker has to mediate between the government and human, rely on international instruments, examples of other countries in dealing with social problems especially if the other person's fault is harmed. I think it is necessary to initiate considerations together with each client group and social workers who see the reality of the situation by working with customers. Of course in each case it is necessary to emphasize human rights and law, that is consistent with basic human needs. I liked the article of Kathleen Ho about Structural Violance as a Human Rights Violation (2007), I marked Paul Farmer quote „human rights can and should be declared universal, but the risk of having one‘s rights violated is not universal“. This observation is at the heart of structural violations of human rights. There are systemic and structural causes that place some populations at a greater risk of human rights violations than others. This inequality in risk can be traced to uneven distributions of power. In my example the country's largest power has been government – neither human nor a social worker could have contributed to the decision-making. Such a management method proves necessary change. Social workers could participate considering the fates of people, especially if it concerns monetary affairs. „When economic and social structures conspire to limit one‘s agency to the extent that fundemental human needs can not met then structural violance becomes a structural violation of human rights“ (Kathleen Ho, Structural Violance as a Human Rights Violation, 2007).
ReplyDeleteLaura, first of all I want to thank you for the great insights. I really liked your observations. I want to dream with you. I also think that the social worker should be able to act to ensure the rights of marginalized people. Lithuanian case social worker remains an observer position, and his opinion is ignored. Laura, I hope that together we dreaming and acting change this situation.
Deletea) Structural violence refers to systematic ways in which social structures harm or otherwise disadvantage individuals. Structural violence is subtle, often invisible, and often has no one specific person who can (or will) be held responsible (in contrast to behavioral violence). Structural violence is one way of describing social arrangements that put individuals and populations in harm’s way. The arrangements are structural because they are embedded in the political and economic organization of our social world; they are violent because they cause injury to people neither culture nor pure individual will is at fault; rather, historically given (and often economically driven) processes and forces conspire to constrain individual agency. Structural violence is visited upon all those whose social status denies them access to the fruits of scientific and social progress.”
ReplyDeleteb) In Lithuania are many business types. For example: private limited company, public institution, corporation, individual enterprise and etc. All of these organizations has to pay taxes more or less similar. Owners who have individual enterprise has to pay social insurance and other taxes. The biggest structural violence is that owner is not prohibited sickness benefit. You could get just primary medical care for free in spite that you pay social insurance tax every month. You also will get the lowest maternity allowance or pension working at individual enterprise. People who don't have a job and do not pay any taxes get the same pension like individual enterprise owners. Owners do not have chance to save money for they pension because all that money they give to social insurance.
c) On the one hand the undertaking to pay taxes seems normal and correct. Social guarantees granted as maternity benefits, pension, medical aid. However, given its minimal condition which is not enough to survive. As an informed global social worker I will advocate rights of people which has individual enterprises. Their right to have seniority and according that to get normal pension or maternity allowance. Also I could give an consultation for persons before establish company. To educate persons what are pluses and minuses of different types of companies.
I agree with your case described in Lithuania, I have yet to add such a thing and that if a person is planning to spend old age in elderly homes, he can not pay the tax lifetime, not to work because when he reached the age of retirement will have equal access to the residence and office of the entire fair worked or paid taxes. I want to say, member the dependent elderly home all people are equal. This is certainly unfair, but a state policy. It is logical that a lot of life to reach the people should receive medical or other social services, and environmental conditions, but this is not. People who did not even have the incentives to work, had a variety of addictions (especially alcohol) have the same conditions of old age (retirement homes), no matter that his income is insufficient to "buy" elderly homes services. The difference between the received age-pension and living elderly homes covered by the state. It does, is it worth all the hard work in life, if you will have almost the same opportunity to ‘sponger‘?This situation, I also as a structural violence in Lithuania.
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ReplyDeleteRachel Reed
ReplyDeleteA) Structural violence is defined by Maas Weigert (2005) as being different from personal violence in that “it refers to preventable harm or damage to persons… where there is no specific actor committing the violence…such violence emerges from the unequal distribution of resources or, in other words, is said to be built into the structure.”
Paul Farmer and Arachu Castro (2005) outline the type of actions that typify structural violence. “racism, sexism, political violence, poverty and other social inequities that are rooted in historical and economic processes…”
In other words, structural violence are indirect and systemic actions that in the end cause damage, and even death, often slowly to those who are often marginalized by society.
B) There are and have been many examples of structural violence in Zimbabwe. This began with the racism and segregation that occurred before independence, when Zimbabwe was called Southern Rhodesia. Galtung, the one who coined the term structural violence was doing research on interracial violence in Southern Rhodesia when he realized just how much structures and systems could be used to harm other human beings (Weigert, 2005). The racism and segregation in Southern Rhodesia was akin to that in South Africa at the time, it was simply less well known internationally.
Aside from the direct violence which was also a part of this story, white Rhodesians, who comprised up to 5% of the population, owned about 95% of the land. This took away the most fertile land from those it belonged to in the first place. This greatly reduced the amount of profits black Zimbabweans could make from their crops, causing them to pursue only subsistence farming. This caused poverty and hunger among black Zimbabweans. This poverty and hunger made these individuals susceptible to suffer from diseases, malnutrition, lack of access to adequate healthcare and lack of access to portable water, which led to many unnecessary deaths (Ho, 2007; Weigert, 2005). This lack of getting basic needs met caused many to move to the city to find work. When living in the city, they were forced to live in close quarters in townships which often had unbearable conditions. They were mandated to live in these spots so that the government could “have control” over them and use them for cheap labor in the mines. Many worked in the mines for long hours, bringing about illness and often, premature deaths. This is not to mention the lack of basic freedoms that these individuals had to suffer such as freedom of movement, freedom of the press and freedom from oppression (Ho, 2005; Sen, 1998). This is a kind of violence of the mind which led to a cycle of violence which is what we see in Zimbabwe today.
Though there are plenty of examples of structural violence in present day Zimbabwe, I saw Zimbabwe as a great way to highlight how structural violence breeds physical violence in the long run. South Africa is another great example of this, where crime is continuing to be a persistent problem. Many of the tactics that were used in Rhodesia in 1970, used to subjugate and control the black population are the same tactics that are used to control the whole black population today, from the hands of a black president.
ReplyDeleteSome current examples of structural and overt violence in the present day in Zimbabwe are sending mobs to run out white farmers from their land (retaliation), having a major food shortage, while maintaining that political cronies were well fed; having an inflation rate of over 1000% while the president was taking his wife on shopping trips to Italy; bulldozing down businesses in local markets, which was often people’s livelihoods; lack of freedom of the press and communication, which including government allowed tapping of phones and interception of cyber communication; burning down opposition party member’s homes and beating opposition party members with clubs to the point of serious illness and death. These actions did not come from nowhere, they were propagated in a system of fear, violence and repression. President Robert Mugabe then, embodies the system. He is not an isolated “bad apple”, but a villainous vessel for all the ills that have been reproducing in this nation for centuries (Zimbardo, 2007).
C) Run down also by the system, most Zimbabweans do not trust the promise of change and so do not pursue it. The problem causing this apathy is this system, therefore it needs to be changed, but it seems so unmovable that such an option seems daunting for any group. It has been tried before. It is important to realize that though systems effect people, people also comprise systems. In working to change the system, I can work to change the reactions of those who comprise the system, including me.
Therefore, to right the wrong of structural violence committed at the hands of white individuals towards black individuals, I need to be aware of my whiteness and behave in a way that aims to right these wrongs (Ahmadi, 2003). Though I obviously do not have the power to absolve these ills, I do have the power to change their interactions with me. I can therefore, be intentional about not taking the power that has been indirectly granted me through my whiteness, not take privileges, and do all I can to be on an equal playing field.
Zimbardo (2007) in his book “The Lucifer Effect” outlines ten ways in which a person can resist systemic pressure to act in a certain way. While doing reconcilatory group work in Zimbabwe, I can follow these guidelines, while also using the grassroots mobilization I will be doing to teach these qualities and tactics. These ten ways are: to admit mistakes, be aware and apologize when we are wrong; be mindful: teaching others to wake up and not passively follow; to take responsibility for my own decisions and actions --- to allow myself and others to take the “driver’s seat”; respecting my own rights and interests as an individual; respecting just authority but rebelling against unjust authority; being independent while being an interdependent part of a group; being aware of how people are trying to manipulate me through slogans and the way they are framing things, and not allowing myself to be manipulated by it; thinking about the future consequences of my actions, not being caught up in the frenzy of the present moment; not sacrificing personal or civic freedoms for the sake or illusion of security and opposing unjust systems (Zimbardo, 2007).
I can reward these positive behaviors while rewarding altruistic behavior; modelling it myself, and allowing a nonviolent movement to organically arise, not being the spearhead of it, but rather someone fanning the flames as it lights on fire.
A.) Structural Violence, as defined by Kathleen Weigert, refers to “preventable harm or damage to personas (and by extensions to things) where there is no actor committing the violence or where it is not practical to search for the actor(s); such violence emerges from the unequal distribution of power and resources or, in other words, is said to be built into the structure(s).” (2004, p. 2005). To be ideal in terms of what should constitute as structural violence, it might be important to at least consider the notion that structural violence is anything less than what Amartya Sen refers to as a person’s development of freedom, but more specifically the “capabilities of persons to lead the kind of lives they value—and have reason to value” (Sen, 1999, p. 18).
ReplyDeleteB.) While keeping in mind Amartya Sen’s concepts regarding freedom and capabilities to lead the kinds of lives they value, one example of structural violence in the United States is the high rates of income inequality and the concurrent stagnation rates of upward social mobility. Income inequality (i.e. the difference in income between the highest earners and the lowest earners), according to Emmanuel Saez’s research at UC-Berkeley, income inequality has been increasing steadily since the 1970s, and now has reached levels not seen since 1928 (2013). In addition to income inequality rates being at one of its highest points, the ability for children of poor families to achieve a higher socioeconomic status (i.e. upward social mobility) is low. Economist, Paul Krugman, sums up the United States issues with income inequality and upward social mobility by saying in a New York Times article titled “Stranded By Sprawl” that “there have been many comparisons of social mobility across countries; all such studies find that these days America, which still thinks of itself as the land of opportunity, actually has more of an inherited class system than other advanced nations” (2013).
By allowing America’s income inequality rates to increase and by decreasing or inhibiting children growing up in a lower socioeconomic status a chance to move up the socioeconomic latter, the structures and systems in place can be claimed to be an example of structural violence. This form of structural violence exists by failing to prevent harm or damage (e.g. malnutrition, trauma from situations involving poverty, crime) to persons (e.g. children) in the form of unequal power and resource distributions via a lack of opportunity for upward social mobility. Damage or preventing harm can also be claimed if we are to include Sen’s (1990) ideal concept of freedom, where people should have the capabilities (e.g. resources, income, upward social mobility) to lead the kind of lives they value.
C.) In the same research study where Saez (2014) found that income inequality has been increasing steadily since the 1970s and that it has reached levels not seen since 1928, him and his colleagues also identified 5 major factors that are strongly correlated with mobility. It would be beneficial for a globally-minded social worker to take these five factors into consideration and then also look outside of the United States to countries that have lower levels of income inequality and higher levels of social mobility, such as Sweden.
ReplyDeleteThe five major factors that are correlated with social mobility include; segregation, inequality, school, social capital, (as defined by Putnam, 1995) and family structure. Social worker can interact on all five of these factors. For example, a social worker can advocate for increased access to transportation for all families so that families can commute to work without a car, thereby helping to decrease segregation, and inequality by increasing job opportunities. Social workers can also have a strong impact within the school systems, helping children to continue their education and improve their job outlooks in the future. An individual’s and communities’ social capital can be increased by a social worker helping to engage them with local civic organizations and other solidarity building events. Finally, the fifth factor that measures family structure is the strongest predictor of upward mobility and can be facilitated by a social worker in a variety of ways (therapy, resource allocation, casework, advocacy, etc…). In short, although income inequality rates in America are at a high and there is currently low potential for upward social mobility, this issue is not a lost cause and social workers can have an important role in improving the capabilities of individuals to live the kinds of lives they value and to degrade this form of structural violence.
3. a) Structural violence refers to systematic ways in which social structures harm or otherwise disadvantage individuals. Structural violence is subtle, often invisible, and often has no one specific person who can (or will) be held responsible (in contrast to behavioral violence). Structural violence can be defined as „structural inequalities that systematically deny some individuals of basic human needs and human rights“ (Ho, 2007)
ReplyDeleteb) In my opinion, Lithuania’s structural violence can be attributed to the social security system. If a person does not work and is not registered with the labor exchange, he/she will not receive free treatment. It is governed by the Law on Health Insurance of Republic of Lithuania. If a person is fired from his job at the end of the month , it is early next month he will not receive any free health care services. Such population pay monthly fixed 9 percent of the minimum monthly salary for compulsory health insurance by themselves. It does not matter that before a person was working for 10 years and paid health insurance fees. I think that could be adapted to human seniority , taxes paid to when he was fired. You might be able to set up some sort of endowment fund to compensate for the period of health insurance
Yes, really, if a resident of the Republic of Lithuania have lost their jobs or were removed from the local labor market exchange lists and do not pay compulsory health insurance, then in case of sickness he must pay for healthcare services. (This is a considerable expense, for example – hospitalization can be very expensive). Become seriously ill, treatment costs can prove much higher than the monthly invoicing compulsory health insurance.
DeleteThe good news is that by the laws people having 30 years work experience and paid obligatory state social pension insurance for old age pension, are insurance by the state.
I believe, however, that health care is an area in which life makes more flexible to the statutory rate, and the medical profession should be guided not only by laws, but primarily humanity.
3 Question
ReplyDeleteImagine you have the opportunity to work with groups of parents seeking insights from the most up-to-date social science knowledge about raising children who are compassionate and cooperative. Use insights from the readings from our class to describe what you would tell them.
a) define structural violence using our readings and also an excellent summary of Farmer and Sen's views on this by Kathleen Ho
Structural violence comprises forces such as poverty, racism, socio-economic inequality and discrimination which necessarily have an influence on people's health (Farmer, 1999). The concept has been more recently applied to medical and public health issues, including, the spread of HIV/AIDS in Haiti. It is very important to know, that Farmer (1997), has used the concept of structural violence to examine the spread of HIV/AIDS in women in Haiti, and has identified several socially conditioned factors that enhance rates of transmission in this group. These include: socially determined patterns of gender inequality, reflected in male-dominated control of material resources such as land and property; traditional and non-traditional patterns of sexual union.
Structural violence is exists when some groups, classes, genders are assumed to have, and in fact do have, more access to goods, resources, and opportunities than other groups, classes, genders and this unequal advantage is built into the very social, political and economic systems that govern societies, states and the world. Systemic violence is subtle, often invisible This theorie explore how political, economic and cultural structures result in the occurrence of avoidable violence, most commonly seen as the deprivation of basic human needs Structural theorists attempt to link personal suffering with political, social and cultural choices. Johan Galtung’s original definition about structural violence included a lack of human agency. So, the violence is not a direct act of any decision or action made by a particular person but a result of an unequal distribution of resources.
b)give an example of structural violence in your country (supported by data).
Violence in the family or on the street, assassinations, terrorist attacks, wars, riots, brutal repression - every day fills the news reports about similar events. Violence surrounds us constantly hear about it and dealing with it. However, most of the violence is invisible. Such as structural violence. The public, seeing physical violence, only focus on it through the eyes of omitting systemic and cultural forms.
In my opinion, Lithuania gets very formal structural violence - women's wages and the related "glass ceiling." Thus, women's and men's pay gap - it all working men and women average hourly wage in Lithuania Republic of the Department of Statistics, in 2013 the last quarter of men's hourly wages before tax was £ 16.92 and £ 14.56 for women . Of all the 36 isolates of economic activities in any area of their salaries were not the same, and only four of these women had a higher salary. The biggest gap, reaching more than 5 LTL difference is the information and communications, finance and insurance area. In Lithuania statistical life expectancy for women is 10 years longer than men. In 2012, the average life expectancy for men - 68.39 years for women - 79.45 years. That same year, 21.7 percent were at risk of poverty. 65 years and older women and 16.3 per cent. men of the same age. Due to lower wages, lower pensions for women, in addition to the longer life expectancy than men, women tend to remain widows live, one has to keep the whole household, and therefore at higher risk of poverty in old age. And lower employment rate for women. This adversely affects the career prospects, training opportunities, the rights to higher pension and disability allowance. So, Lithuania women suffer structural violence pay.
c) present your dream of what a globally-informed social worker could do about that example
ReplyDeletePsychiatry at Gilligans James, who has worked for a long time in prison and the prison psychiatric hospital, says that the key social, economic and Political Causes of violence lies in what society divide into superior and inferior, weaker and stronger, the rich and the poor. The more inequality in the society, the higher the crime rate.
Social workers, confronted with problems of the population has to look for ways to resolve them. The quest for this new knowledge, new experiences, unique forms of assistance. In my view, the social workers' professional activities influence changes in society, human relations, problem solving, will seek to strengthen the growth of welfare. The main purpose of the social worker is to give all people the opportunity to improve their potential ability, enrich lives and prevent dysfunction. It is also a social worker can help provide protection from all forms of violence. He can initiate changes that can stop unwanted behavior or the consequences of such behavior. In my opinion, as all the problems and the problem of structural violence can contribute to a social worker with the public values. Such as - humanism and unconditional respect for the individual. professional duty, goodness and sense of justice. Also tolerance, honesty and politeness. If all social workers to help absorb the public key values in society, the problems are less and are easier to deal with such problems as structural violence.
3. Inga Žalnerauskienė. When I was looking for structural forms of violence in Lithuania I have found an article that has been published in 03-04-2013 „Professional military service contract with the Ministry of Defence termination problem“ (http://www.kariuteises.lt/lt/naujienos/pkt-sutarties-su-kam-nutraukimo-problema/3193). It was intresting for me because the Lithuanian Labour Code provides that any worker may terminate his employment contract on its own initiative, warned the employer before 14 business days (DK LR 127, Art. 1). But in this article it is writen that a soldier can not do that, and this is the crucial reason to "manipulate" them and not to comply with requests for soldiers CAT for contract termination. Here are main reasons for the termination of contracts:
ReplyDelete„1. Due to family problems (because of the low salary wife threatens in divorce);
2. The official salary is not enough to keep the family;
3. The departure of the service takes place in 20 per cent, official salary, reunions;
4. Overtime service (constant vigil and yet every day going into military service in excess of the normal monthly 176 hours number), which takes a lot of time and for which the soldiers are not paid;
5. Much better job offerd abroad or Lithuania;
6. Structural violence during the service (psychological violence, leaders are under pressure 'rights, the insults, humiliation, and reunions.).
7. Lithuanian army soldier do not meet PKT expectations.“
Contract can be terminated only with the consent of the Ministry of Lithuanian National Defence, but it does not agree to terminate the contract.
Only in 20-11-2014 a meeting was held between the Ministry of Lithuanian National Defence and NGO Soldiers Rights Protection Centre (Article „The National Defence and the Ministry of Public Soldiers Rights Protection Centre meeting was mutually beneficial“ http://www.komentaras.lt/politika/krasto_apsauga/kam-ir-vsi-kariu-teisiu-gynimo-centro-susitikimas-buvo-abipusiai-naudingas?lang=) „During the meeting, Ministry Chancellor declared that he welcomes NGO activities which aims to help improve Lithuanian soldiers social guarantees, improve the army... The Ministry of Lithuanian National Defence Law Department Director S. Montvila agreed that the situation should be mitigated, should be a clear description of the procedure, when soldier on his own initiative, has the right to terminate the contract, but noted that the first year of military service soldiers should not have opportunities for such „preferences".
I think that is not good, because all people must have a right to decide. „He stressed that the CAT agreement needs improvement, because nowadays even the commanders seeing that it is right to terminate the contract with soldier, who expresses desire for such decisions, do not have possibilities. According Colonel Rupšys: "It seems to be legal, but whether this is true in respect of the soldiers?".
In the article „Structural Violence as a Human Rights Violation“ (KATHLEEN HO*) is writen: „Galtung asserts that structural violence, as opposed to personal or direct violence, is indirect in that ‘there may not be any person who directly harms another person in the structure. The violence is built into the structure and shows up as unequal power and consequently as unequal life chances“. In this case we can see the example of structural violence. As global social worker, I will be working with lawyers and with soldiers and bring the proposals to the Ministry of National Defence to make changes in military employment contracts.
Inga-
DeleteI have to admit that of all the institutions and systems that I reflected on before writing my response to this question the military is not one that I considered. Here in the US we offer very mixed views about how we value the men and women who serve in our military. On one hand they serve as symbols of American freedom and power, suggesting that we do in fact honor and respect them. On the other hand we have created a system, especially in healthcare that often leaves veterans vulnerable and without support. I do not know what the experiences of Lithuanian soldiers has been but in the US many veterans have trouble finding jobs, experience homelessness and many mental health problems after they are discharge. Sadly as I said the systems and programs we have here are not enough to help all soldiers face these challenges.
What struck me most is when you said that all people must have a right to decide. My immediate reaction was "well, they decided to join the military. They knew what they signed up for". Your writing really made me stop to think. If people have the right to decide whether or not to join the military or any other organization shouldn't they also have the right to decide when to no longer be a part of that organization? As professor Tyson mentioned in class when an soldier soldier abandons his or her post they are considered AWOL (absent without official leave). This is a very serious offense. People are then stigmatized by their peers as deserters. Unfortunately, there are no reasons that our military would consider to be acceptable explanation for a soldier deserting their post (like taking care of their family or seeking higher compensation for a living wage). Again, I thank you for challenging me to look deeper at military practices here in the US. I think military culture is a very interesting subject. I hope we can talk more about this in class discussions. I would be curious to know if you or our colleagues believe it is possible for societies to maintain successful military organizations while still respecting the individual's right to self determination?
Unlike a group of people who become unscrupulous after being repeatedly prompted and placed under stressful extenuating circumstances, such as noted in Zimbardo’s famed prison study (2007), structural violence is violence that is built into an institution a priori. Structural violence causes disconnection between a person’s potential to fulfill their basic needs and their actual fulfillment. Structural violence is the reality that enables the systemic denial of a certain group’s basic needs and human rights caused by the unequal distribution of resources stemming from an unequal share of power. When human rights are viewed through a lens of structural violence, it becomes clear that certain social and economic rights are simply not protected for particularly marginalized populations (Ho, 2007). One example of a particularly oppressive population in the United States are people who have emigrated to the United States, fleeing violent countries, yet are met with violence, suspicion, and poverty upon their arrival. The total number of unaccompanied children arriving to the United States from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Hondurs, rose significantly starting in 2011, a demographic movement known as “the surge ” (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2015). The dramatic numbers are indicative of dire situations at home—in 2011, 4,059 unaccompanied children were apprehended by U.S. Customs and Border Protection, and by 2013, this number which more than doubled, showing reports of 21, 537 children (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, 2015). The mistreatment of Central American children who do not arrive to the United States legally is particularly abhorrent. The violence is structural because it exists in all aspects of the system, from the misperception of immigrants as draining the country of resources and jobs, the mistreatment of immigrants in detention centers along the U.S. Mexico border along with violent vigilante activity, lack of resources for housing for children seeking a host family in the United States, and unfairly complicated and drawn-out trials in immigration court that decide the fate of the immigrant child. Not only does the oppression exist within the United States, but also violence is inflicted on many children who are deported back to their home countries and back into the hands of violence, trafficking, exploitation and abuse. For example, in 2014 up to ten Honduran children were killed upon their deportation back to Honduras (Rodriguez, McKenna, & Sommers, 2015).
ReplyDeletec) A globally informed social worker would confront the migrant children crisis by starting with a true understand of the root of the problem—why are the children fleeing their home countries, with families they surely would rather stay with, in the first place? How can the violence stemming from drug cartels and poverty of resources be addressed? Once an understanding of the complexity of the relationship between home country and the United States has been attempted through thorough research, the issue of children’s protection should be address on a policy level. As a globally-informed social worker, I would know the importance of understanding the cultural climate from where an immigrant comes, especially when sending an under-age, vulnerable individual back to that climate (Ahmadi, 2003). In addition to the global consciousness, a globally-informed social worker would understand that often times although laws are de jure, they are often not practiced de facto. I would therefore call attention to and lobby on behalf of the actual implementation of the William Wilberforce Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act of 2008. Noticing the 7 years that have elapsed since the passage of this law, the first federal legislation to address the safe and sustainable re-entry to an unaccompanied minor’s home country, it is evident that the U.S. states government has not been effectively tracking data regarding minor’s situations when returned to home country (Rodriguez, McKenna, & Sommers, 2015). The lack of attention to this Act could have deadly consequences for the children that the United States are haphazardly sending home. This shows a complete disregard for child welfare—symbolically showing that the unaccompanied minor is so unwelcome in this country that they will be sent back despite the risk of death.
ReplyDeleteA) Structural Violence is “preventable harm or damage to persons (and by extension to things) where there is no actor committing the violence or where it is not practical to search for the actor(s); such violence emerges from the unequal distribution of power and resources or, in other words, is said to be built into the structure(s).” (Weigert, 2008, p. 2005). At the end of Kathleen Ho’s article Farmer, states that human rights can and should be universal, but the risk of everyone having rights violated is not universal. This statement is profound and addresses how some aspects of human rights may be over looked. Farmer (2007) references Ho stating that structural violence exist when there’s avoidable gap between actual and potential abilities to meet human needs. For example, according to Ho and Sen poverty not only violates human rights, but Sen states that poverty itself is a violation of human rights. Poverty represents constraint agencies.
ReplyDeleteB) I have seen structural violence in inner-city communities in Chicago. My example is the closures of schools on the Southside of Chicago. In article written Trymaine Lee of MSNBC since 2001 close to 150 schools have been closed on the southside of Chicago. The term Lee used to address this is “Phasing –out.” The southside of Chicago is predominately African American. The closures of these schools have caused what Lee refer to as “school-deserts.” Lee showed the statistical breakdown of those affected by the schools closures, 88% African American, 10% Latino, and 94% of the schools students come from low income communities. Lee's article goes on to say that this problem is sabotaging public education.
http://www.msnbc.com/msnbc/dont-call-it-school-choice
C) That person would embody multiple attributes that are effective in providing service. For example, that social worker would understand the importance of indigenous knowledge and the glocalization. Healy (2008) emphasizes that adapting ideas to the local needs is important. Glocalization fall within similar perimeters as indigenous knowledge.
Next, this person would also understand structural violence. Unfortunately, many institutional structures do not foster equality. The example I used illustrates this. The closure of schools in Chicago’s most at risk communities has cause issues, such school-school desert. These school-desert have a negative impact on the educational attainment for youth living in these areas.
Finally, this person would be culturally competent. It is important for the person to understand the uniqueness of the population they are serving. The person should understand how ones cultural background impacts their decisions. A globally informed social worker would be able to look at the issue with a new prospective. It can be hard to process information and to provide suggestions when one has been over exposed to an issue constantly. The globally inform social worker may have the ability to mediate between both sides. This is were glocalization would be applicable. A globally informed social worker could potential find a solution to prevent educational deserts.
Structural Violence is defined as an unequal share of power over the distribution of resources causing an avoidable disparity between potential ability to fulfill basic needs and the actual fulfillment of these needs (Ho, 2007). When constraint on systems extends to the lack of meeting human need, structural violence becomes a violation of human rights (Ho, 2007). The theory of structural violence provides a useful framework for the understanding of structural violations of human rights, through an examination of how structures constrain agency to the extent that fundamental human needs are unattainable (Ho, 2007).
ReplyDeleteAn example of structural violence in the United States is the existence of food deserts. In 2011, the USDA found that nearly 6 percent of all U.S. households did not always have the food they wanted or needed because of access-related problems and that more than half of those households also lacked enough money for food. Moreover, 16 percent of U.S. households had low food security meaning they lacked access at all times to nutritious food that allows for an active and healthy lifestyle (USDA, 2012; Edsall, 2012).
A food desert is an area in the United States where people have limited access to affordable and nutritious food. These areas particularly exist for predominately lower-income neighborhoods and communities. Dependent on how healthy food is defined, where it is compared to its consumer, and what other food the consumer may have access to, the existence of a food desert is determined. Therefore, these factors of access put people living the poorest neighborhoods at the highest risk (Lewis et al., 2005; Powell et al., 2007; Rose and Richards, 2004).
A globally informed social worker would combat this problem by appealing to the international standards on human rights set forth by the United Nations (1948). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights outlines the right to health in Article 25:
Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.
Food deserts impinge upon this right to adequate health, which includes access to food that will afford a tolerable standard of living. By not providing grocery stores in poor neighborhoods—creating food deserts—communities within the United States are under direct violation of international human rights laws. Pointing out the discrepancies and holding the macro systems accountable for this provision will be key in providing access to affordable, healthy food for all people.
(A) Combining Johan Galtung’s definition in Kathleen Ho’s article and Amartya Sen’s definition, structural violence is a strategic denial of substantive freedoms of a group of people that lowers their standard of living. The substantive freedoms that Sen mentions in the book Development as Freedom include “elementary capabilities like being able to avoid such deprivations as starvation, undernourishment, escapable morbidity and premature mortality, as well as the freedoms that are associated with being literate and numerate, enjoying political participation and uncensored speech and so on” (Sen 2000) In Ho’s article, Galtung describes this type of violence as “avoidable impairments” such as tortured labor, child soldiers, poor African American women being disproportionally at risk for HIV/AIDS, and much more.
ReplyDelete(B) In the U.S, specifically in Chicago, there is much structural violence due to the segregation that still exist in neighborhoods. A Huffington post article from January 31, 2012, collected Census Data that stated that Chicago was the most segregated city in America. I haven’t seen any recent articles that state that that fact has changed at all. With segregation it is easy for structural violence to occur. The scarcity of fresh food markets (food desserts) in the south side of Chicago is an example of structural violence in Chicago against a predominately African American population. In recent years more grocery stores are being built in the South Side of Chicago but the quality of the food is still questionable when compared to the stores available on the Northside of Chicago. For example, in the Northside neighborhood of Andersonville a person can find 2 Jewel Osco’s, a Marianos, A small produce store, a Walgreens with food, a CVS with food, and multiple small shops that sell food and healthy restaurant options within walking distant. If you go to the Roseland area you will not find a grocery store that is walking distant, there may be a fast food restaurant that is walking distance. By bus in Roseland you could find a CVS with food a , and a Sav –A-Lot, if you ride a bit farther to the Pullman neighborhood you could find a Walmart, a small produce store, and multiple restaurants but they would not be considered healthy because most of the fare is fried. This deprivation of fresh and healthy foods cause’s undernourishment, which Sen describes a substantive freedom.
(C) The concept of food desserts is now well known. So as a globally informed social worker I know simple awareness will not completely rectify the damage that has been done. With the development of more food options becoming available, there also needs to be a movement of re-educating the people about what healthy food looks like and how to shop on a small budget. An example for the necessity of this education is the uproar that came about when Whole foods announced they will build a store in Englewood. Many people were upset because instead of seeing it as an opportunity to have fresh food in the community they were scared that this was a sign of gentrification. Which means that Whole foods has been associated with privilege rather than fresh food and that’s a problem. A grocery store should never be a symbol of privilege. Therefore there needs to be classes in which people are taught how to shop at stores like Whole Foods on a small budget and how to cook the foods offered there. If you have never had fresh Kale or grains like quinoa it can be very intimidating, and the easy way to avoid that is by classifying as a food that only rich people eat or saying that is nasty. Education will help to deter that response. This type of Education is starting to happen with the Lets Move campaign spearheading by the First Lady, but there needs to be more community driven movements to help more people take ownership of the movement.
I find Nicole’s comments regarding the segregation of neighborhoods and food deserts’ impact on the people in these neighborhoods, very enlightening. So many times we hear this word “gentrification” and react in a negative way as if who were are as people is being stripped from us. But rather giving this word a negative connotation, we can use it and mold it to our advantage. One possible solution could be some sort of discount for residents in the neighborhood. A collaborative effort, as Nicole has stated, through education in these neighborhoods about how to shop on small budgets is a useful tool in establishing a new grocery store to the residents of the neighborhood in which it resides. Also, another solution could simply lie with the empowerment of the community as a whole and help the neighborhood rebuild its identity, but keep their culturally values. Community members and community organizations should embrace a collaborative educational approach in order to allow these incoming stores to positively affect the health and well-being of the residents.Throughout the semester, one consistent principle has been apparent in solving global social work issues, and that is educating people about the issue and its solutions. I believe Nicole has further strengthened that concept here.
DeleteStructural violence is seen as preventable harm or damage to persons, where there is no actor commiting the violence and the violence emerges from the unequal distribution of power and resources, and is built into a society’s structure (Weigert, 2008). According to Ho, structural violence theory is the avoidable disparity between the potential ability to fulfill basic needs and their actual fulfillment (2007). Although structural violence can end up in death, structural violence is often subtle and invisible to most, and even more difficult in trying to identify without knowing exactly who is to blame. Violence is built into structure so to cause an imbalance in power and in affect unequal chances in life (Ho, 2007). Violence is typically present when people are influenced and their actual somatic and mental realization are below their potential (Weigert, 2008). Conflict arises in these structures because of incompatible interests embedded in the structure of the system, where conflict is found (Weigert, 2008). Proponents of the objectivist model, argue that “conflict can exist without the awareness of the social actors since conflict, in this view, has to do with “interests” and interests are not a matter of subjective definition of the actors but are instead determined by the social structure.” (Weigert, 2008).
ReplyDeleteWithout structural violence we are left with positive peace (Weigert, 2008). Positive peace involves social justice and equal opportunity for everyone. Without structural violence there is an equal balance of power and protection from injustice. Establishing social equality and justice promotes a balance that protects people from meeting their basic human needs. Positive peace seems to strive to establish a community built on interconnected principles of equality and justice and helps a community stray from being consumed with indirect violence.
An example of structural violence can be seen in the article by Deif, where the divorce system in Egypt is systematically crippling the lives of young women who are trying to free themselves of an abusive relationship (2005). Governments created systems in which threatened women as perpetual legal minors under the guardianship of their husbands (Deif, 2005). Women were challenged in courts by judges and given almost impossible standards to satisfy in order to get a divorce (Deif, 2005). These practices subjected women to structural violence, by stripping them of their dignity and social equality.
(PART1)
One example of structural violence in the United States today is that of child poverty. In particular when looking at children who end up in the welfare system, when they emancipate they are immediately at a disadvantage because of the lack of support and resources available to them. Illinois, along with a handful of other states, have enacted laws that allow wards to receive support up until their 21st birthday. Recently, newly elected governor Rauner proposed to cut the funding to these older adolescents. This action would put these adolescents at a severe disadvantage and they would become susceptible to crime, direct violence, homelessness, etc. These young adolescents are not equipped with the power to decide because of the inequality in distribution of resources (Ho, 2007). According to Ho, “[p]overty creates conditions where the actual ability to meet one’s fundamental human needs are obstructed” (2007). So many of these adolescents end up homeless because of the lack of resources and repeat the cycle by having their children end up in the system as they did. Most of these adolescents who end up homeless, are not able to reach basic capabilities such as to avoid hunger, disease, illiteracy, etc. (Ho, 2007). One would think that making sure the children of this country has basic fundamental human rights are top priority, but the devastating reality is, they are constantly being pushed to the bottom.
ReplyDeleteI think one reality of poverty among children and in particular in the child welfare system, is that most of the public simply does not know that this is such a big problem. Community education and empowerment like in the article by Stevenson, will make the public aware and become involve in changing the situations of so many children (2005). A global social worker could employ several different tactics and combine several in order to provide an efficient model. For example, in Vieques, they combined the community organization with the political aspects (Torres, 2004). Creating mass coalitions with several stakeholders and educating the legislature and in Illinois’ case, Governor Rauner, of the impact of cutting funding to DCFS can have long term on these adolescents. The disheartening reality is that funding will always be a determining factor. In a dream reality, as a global social worker, I would hope that priority will be given to these youth, because they are our future and with implementation of budget cuts, such as Governor Rauner’s, the future looks grim.
(PART 2)
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ReplyDeleteStructural violence is a complex concept, which includes manifestation of law, social welfare, human rights, political and economic discourses. Injustice and exploitation, included in the social, political and economic system in which people have unequal opportunities. For these reasons, people can not reveal their full potential, develop their human qualities. Grants privileges to certain classes, ethnic groups, gender and nationality against another, the system establishes the inequality of educational resources and respect for the possibilities. Systemic violence is subtle, often invisible, it is composed of the same capitalism, patriarchy, or any other of the dominant system. This kind of violence is not a direct action decision made particular person, it is the result of unequal distribution of resources, in other words, it occurs when there is no meeting the basic human needs. Structural violence is a complex concept, which includes manifestation of law, social welfare, human rights, political and economic discourses.
ReplyDeleteOld age pensions in Lithuania is a true example of structural violence. A brief description of the situation. Ukrainian citizen living in Lithuania for 8 years, has a permanent residence permit. Currently maintains records of the Republic of Lithuania to obtain citizenship. The old-age pension benefit to this woman from Ukrainian state, which citizen she is. Because of military situation in the country, the Ukrainian economy is in decline down, big level of inflation. From 1 January 2015, the date of introduction of the euro in Lithuania, the Ukraine current Hryvnia rate against the euro and at the moment woman pension is currently 40 euros a month. Of this amount, a woman must live for a whole month to maintain housing, feeding, etc. The analysis of this situation can be observed strong human dignity, human rights violations, poverty circle creation. Solution of this situation is reflected what is a global social work and what competencies must have a global social worker. Peace Building, Human Rights advocating, human consciousness rising in a local and global contexts... it is also very important for social workers and other professionals to collaborate together with each other at the international and local level.
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